3. Abreha and Atsbeha
According to the Ethiopian traditional
accounts of the conversion, Frumentius was
captured during the reign of Ella Alada (Amida?), who was succeeded by two brothers,
Abreha and Atsbeha, who were the first Christian kings. It has been suggested (Hahn
1983) that these names were constituent parts of the titulary of Ezana and his brother
Sazana, but, as mentioned above (
Ch. 7: 3
) there is no real proof for this joint reign. They
could alternatively have been two successive `Ella'-names adopted by Ezana. It may also
be that, due to a confusion of legends, the conversion has become muddled with the other
great Aksumite religious event, king Kaleb's invasion of the Yemen to end persecution of
Christians there. As Kaleb's throne name was Ella Atsbeha, and the name of the
rebellious general
in the Yemen was Abreha, this theory could easily provide the
explanation for the Ethiopian legend (Ullendorff 1949). Abreha built the great cathedral
at San`a, and tried to turn it into a major pilgrimage centre, and so both he and Kaleb
gained reputations as powerful champions of Christianity. Abreha is said to have written
to the
najashi saying `I have built a church for you, O King, such as has not been built for
any king before you. I shall not rest until I have diverted the Arab's pilgrimage to it'
(Guillaume 1955: 21).
Some more ideas on the identity of Ezana and the date of his conversion have recently
been aired. One theory (de Blois 1988) concluded that the Aksumite ruler Ezana of
Constantius II's time was a different person from king Ezana,
son of Ella Amida, known
from his inscriptions. This latter would have been an uncle and direct predecessor of
Kaleb, the brother of Kaleb's father Tazena, and the Andug of the Syriac sources; his
reign would have concluded between 518 and 523. He would have been the first
Ethiopian royal convert to Christianity, the earlier Ezana of the fourth century having
retained his pagan beliefs; in spite of the presence of Frumentius, later consecrated bishop
of Aksum, and in spite of Constantius II's communication with him on ecclesiastical
affairs. This
view of the position of Ezana, multiplied into two kings, once again takes
little account of the concrete evidence from the coinage. The consistency of the gold
content in all three gold issues bearing the names of Ezanas/Ezana, the heavier weight of
Ezanas' pagan and Christian issues, and the fact that the Ezana issue reduces its weight to
follow the contemporary Roman weight reduction, together with stylistic points,
conclusively place Ezana in the fourth century, and indicate that the conversion took
place as the Ethiopian traditions relate. The difference between
the coins of Ezana Bisi
Halen and Kaleb in terms of style, weight, gold content, and palaeography is radical, and
the two cannot possibly have been successive rulers. Schneider (1988) also dismisses this
new theory for other reasons.
Laszlo Török (1988) accepts that the king Ezana who was a contemporary of emperor
Constantius II eventually converted to Christianity. But he holds that this could only have
happened after 361, since he believes that the text of Constantius II's letter `is
unambiguous as to the paganism of the tyrants Aizanas and Sazanas'. He goes on to say
that `everything thus points to the probability that Ezana's conversion, and consequently,
the campaign against the Noba and Meroe, cannot be dated earlier
than the decade after
361, perhaps closer to 370 than 360'. Török also believes that the inscription published by
Anfray, Caquot and Nautin (1970) does not belong to Ezana but to a brother and
successor of his whose name he reads AG..AS.
The first of these ideas is evidently based on a subjective reading of the letter of
Constantius II. It can as well be asserted that the emperor did not specifically address the
Aksumite rulers as Christians since he knew perfectly well that they were Christians, and
had been for some time. He simply began to discuss an ecclesiastical point important to
him with people he regarded as fellow Christians, and nowhere is there any remark which
seems `unambiguously' to indicate their paganism.
The evidence for the postulated ruler AG..AS remains equally unconvincing. It seems far
more probable that this king AG..AS never existed. There are no coins bearing his name,
and the inscription almost certainly belongs to Ezana (exceptionally spelled AZANAS) as
Anfray, Caquot and Nautin believed.
Most importantly, it bears Ezana's well-known
coinage and inscriptional title Bisi- Alene as well as his patronymic Elle Amida; the
Greek spelling of the Bisi-title is in this case also exceptional, being rendered as either
Bisi Alene or Bisi Alen on the coins. The inscription appears to be a version in Greek,
with slight variations, of the `monotheistic' vocalised Ge`ez inscription DAE 11 (
Ch. 11:
5
) of Ezana Ella Amida Bisi Halen. It is notable that in the case of the pagan inscriptions
DAE 4, 6 and 7 of Aeizanas, and their parallels on the Geza `Agmai inscription, there are
also small variations between the different versions. The most
interesting here is that
whereas the former version writes Saiazana and Adefan in Greek for the king's brothers'
names, the latter writes Sazanan and Adiphan, showing a similar variation in the spelling
of proper names; we now have four different spellings of Ezana's name in Greek;
(Ezana(s), Aeizanas, Aizanas, Azanas). In sum, neither of these two latest ideas about the
chronology of Ezana, and the Ethiopian conversion, seem strong enough to alter the view
gene rally accepted.
4. Ecclesiastical Development
Not very much is known of the early centuries of church history in Ethiopia. After the
royal
adoption of Christianity, numbers of people may have simply followed the lead of
the monarchy. Beyond this predictable guidance from a powerful ruler towards his
subordinates, we have no idea which particular features of the new faith may have made
it appeal to the Aksumites, but in time Christianity became a strong influence in Ethiopia.
Constantius II's attempt (
Ch. 4: 5
) to subordinate Frumentius to his Arian appointee in
Alexandria was unsuccessful, and Frumentius, under the names Feremnatos or Abba
Salama, is still revered in Ethiopia as the founder of the faith. The lists of the
metropolitans (which do not always include the same names) show a continuous line of
abuns of whom nothing at all is known (Guidi 1871; Zotenberg 1877; Chaine 1925;
Ayele Teklahaymanot 1984;
Munro-Hay, forthcoming). Other bishoprics were