Very little is known of the
fifth century history of Aksum, but in the sixth century the
dramatic events following upon king Kaleb of Aksum's expedition to the Yemen greatly
interested the Christian world. Several ambassadors from Constantinople, sent by the
emperor Justinian to propose various trading and military arrangements, have left
accounts of their embassies. One ambassador described the king's appearance at an
audience (Malalas, ed. Migne 1860: 670). Another Greek-speaking visitor, Kosmas,
called `Indikopleustes', who was in Ethiopia just before Kaleb's expedition, was asked by
the king's governor at Adulis to copy an inscription so that it could be sent to the king at
Aksum. He complied, and preserved the
contents of the inscription, together with various
other interesting details about Aksumite life, in his
Christian Topography (Wolska-Conus
1968, 1973).
After the time of Kaleb, foreign reports about Ethiopia grow much sparser. The
Byzantine historian Procopius mentions (ed. Dewing 1961: 191) that Kaleb's successor
had to acknowledge the virtual independence of the Yemeni ruler Abreha, but all the rest
of our information on the later Aksumite kings comes from inferences drawn from their
coinage. For the followers of the recently-arisen prophet Muhammad, the Muslims, the
country was important because
the reigning najashi gave asylum to the prophet's early
followers (Guillaume 1955: 146ff). Muhammad is said to have mourned when he heard
of this king's death. However, the
najashi,
Ashama ibn Abjar, though he was the ruler of
the territories of the Aksumite kingdom, may no longer have used that city as his capital.
There is reason for thinking that by the time of Ashama's death in 630AD, the centre of
the kingdom may have shifted elsewhere. If this is so, the portrait of a
najashi or
nigos
(the picture is labelled in both Greek and Arabic), preserved on the walls of a hunting
lodge at Qusayr `Amra in Jordan, built and decorated at the command of the Caliph al-
Walid (705-715AD), would be of one of the successors of Ashama ibn Abjar who was no
longer resident at Aksum (Almagro et al 1975: 165 & pl. XVII).
In the ninth and tenth centuries, Arab historians still noted the vast extent of the territories
of the reigning
najashi see (
Ch. 4: 8
), but situated the capital at a place called Ku`bar or
Ka`bar, a large and prosperous trading town. Where this was, we do not know at present,
but presumably it was situated in a place more favourable for the exp loitation of trade
and for participating in current political events than was Aksum. The legends about the
fall of Aksum to Gudit, which seem, from the accounts of the Arab authors, to have
derived from events in the later tenth century, do not really militate against this. Aksum,
as Ethiopia's pre-eminent ecclesiastical centre, and perhaps coronation city, (a
function
restored to it in later times), may have suffered from Gudit's armies, but was not
necessarily the country's administrative capital at the time. The great wealth of its
cathedral, the ruins of its palaces, and the giant funerary monuments of its former kings,
might well have attracted the attention of invaders in search of loot. Several of the kings
mentioned in Ethiopian historical texts are said to have moved their capitals, doubtless
reflecting the memory of a real event, unless they were already by that time nomadic
tented capitals as was customary later in Ethiopian history.
3. The Rediscovery of Aksum in Modern Times
Whatever was the cause of the end of the former Aksumite kingdom,
a new centre
eventually appeared in the province of Lasta to the south under a dynasty, apparently of
Cushitic (Agaw) origin, later regarded as usurpers, called the Zagwé (Taddesse Tamrat
1972: 53ff;
Dictionary of Ethiopian Biography 1975: 200ff). The existence of a long and
a short chronology for this dynasty indicates that the Ge`ez chroniclers were in some
confusion as to the precise events occurring at the end of the `Aksumite' period until the
advent of the Zagwé. The Zagwé capital, surely one of the world's most remarkable
sights with its marvellous rock-cut churches, was at Roha,
later renamed after the most
famous of the Zagwé kings, Lalibela, who seems to have died around 1225. It still bears
his na me.
The Zagwé dynasty was eventually superseded by the so-called `Solomonic Restoration'
in 1270, under king Yekuno Amlak. This new dynasty held to the legalistic fiction that
Yekuno Amlak was a direct heir to the old Aksumite kings, whose line had been
preserved in exile in the province of Amhara until strong enough to regain their
inheritance by ousting the Zagwé monarchs. By the time of this restoration, and for a
long period afterwards, the highland kingdom was involved in struggles with the
constantly encroaching power of the Muslim states which had become established along
the seaboard, and were pushing inland and up onto the Ethiopian plateau.
In spite of some
successes, the kingdom was in great distress when the first westerners began to renew the
old contacts formerly maintained with the Ethiopian highlands by Greek, Roman, Indian
and Arab traders.
Though there is a mention of Aksum (Chaxum) in a Venetian merchant itinerary
(Crawford 1958: 28) of the late fourteenth century (which specifically notes Aksum's
status as a coronation city and the magnificence of its basilica, richly ornamented with
gold plates), it was, in fact, the Portuguese who first made real contact. A number of
Ethiopian kings, such as Widim Ar`ad (1297-1312), Yeshaq (1414-1429), and Zara
Ya`qob (1434-1468), had previously tried to communicate by sending missions to
Europe, and as a result a certain interest was aroused.
In the early fourteenth century the now- lost treatise written by Giovanni da Carignano,
who obtained his information from an Ethiopian embassy which stopped at Genoa in
1306 while returning from Avignon and Rome, had declared
that the legendary Christian
king Prester John was to be found in Ethiopia (Beckingham 1980). It is, of course,
possible that Jacopo Filippo Foresti of Bergamo, who summarised Carignano's work in
1483, interpolated this idea, but a map of 1339 already shows Prester John in Ethiopia.
Aksum appears on a map by Pizzigani in 1367 as Civitas Syone, the City of Zion,
appropriately enough in view of its cathedral dedicated to Mary of Zion. At the end of the
fourteenth century Antonio Bartoli of Florence was in Ethiopia, and in 1407 Pietro
Rombulo arrived there, remaining for a very long time. Envoys of Yeshaq reached
Valencia with letters from the king to Alfonso of Aragon in 1428. In 1441
Ethiopian