An essay in universal history



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316 Andrew and Mitrokhin, The Mitrokhin Archive: The KGB in Europe and the West, London: Allen Press, 1999, pp. 235-240.

317 Reynolds, op. cit.

318 According to the PBS documentary, “The Man Who Saved the World” (http://video.pbs.org/video/2295274962), at the height of the Cuban Missile Crisis, second-in-command Vasili Arkhipov of the Soviet submarine B-59 refused to agree with his Captain's order to launch nuclear torpedos against US warships and beginning a nuclear war between the superpowers. The US had been dropping depth charges near the submarine in an attempt to force it to surface, unaware it was carrying nuclear arms. The Soviet officers, who had lost radio contact with Moscow, concluded that World War 3 had begun, and 2 of the officers agreed to 'blast the warships out of the water'. Arkhipov refused to agree - unanimous consent of 3 officers was required - and thanks to him, we are here to talk about it.

319 I.V. Ilichev, Voin Khristov Vernij i Istinnij: Tajnij Episkop IPTs Mikhail (Yershov) (Faithful and True Warrior of Christ: Secret Bishop Michael (Yershov), Moscow: Bratonezh, 2011, pp. 499-500.

320 Ilichev, op. cit., p. 506.

321 Ilichev, op. cit., p. 410.

322 Ilichev, op. cit., p. 459.

323 Ilichev, op. cit., p. 433.

324 Fontaine, Santamaria and Boulouque, “Communism in Latin America”, in Stéphane Courtois and others, The Black Book of Communism, London and Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999, p. 656.

325 Fontaine, Santamaria and Boulouque, op. cit., p. 663.

326 Pospielovsky, Russkaia Mysl' (Russian Thought), N 3698, 5 November, 1987.

327 A.B. Vinnikov, Ottepel’ 1943-1960 (The Thaw of 1943-1960); Monk Benjamin, op. cit., part 4, pp. 22-23, 24.

328 Monk Benjamin, op. cit., part 4, p. 27.

329 Vinnikov, op. cit.; Monk Benjamin, op. cit., part 4, pp. 30-31.

330 Vinnikov, op. cit.; Monk Benjamin, op. cit., part 4, pp. 32-33.

331 Vinnikov, op. cit.

332 Golitsyn, The Perestroika Deception, London and New York: Edward Harle, 1998, p. 116.

333 Anatoly Krasikov, “’Tretij Rim’ i Bol’sheviki” (The Third Rome and the Bolsheviks), in L.M. Vorontsova, A.V. Pchelintsev and S.B. Filatov (eds.), Religia i Prava Cheloveka (Religion and Human Rights), Moscow: “Nauka”, 1996, p. 204.

334 Chernov, op. cit.

335 Monk Benjamin, op. cit., part 4, p. 37.

336 Aksyuchits, "70 let Vavilonskogo plenenia" (70 Years of Babylonian Captivity), Vestnik Russkogo Khristianskogo Dvizhenia (Herald of the Russian Christian Movement), 1988, N 152.

337 Monk Benjamin, op. cit., part 5, pp. 1-2.

338 G. Pankov, "O politike Sovetskogo gosudarstva v otnoshenii Russkoj pravoslavnoj tserkvi na rubezhe 50-60-x godov" (On the Politics of the Soviet State in relation to the Russian Orthodox Church on the border of the 50s and 60s), in Bessmertny, A.R. & Filatov, S.B., Religia i Demokratia (Religion and Democracy), Moscow: Progress, 1993, pp. 217-31.

339 Monk Benjamin, op. cit., part 5, pp. 15-16.

340 Monk Benjamin, op. cit., part 5, p. 19.

341 Ivan Marchevsky, personal communication.

342 Zhurbenko, "Out of the Catacombs", Orthodox America, 1990, p. 6.

343 See Danilushkin, op. cit., chapter 18.

344 Mervyn Matthews, The Passport Society, Oxford: Westview Press, 1993, chapter 3.

345 Shkarovsky, Iosiflyanstvo (Josephitism), Iosiflianstvo: techenie v Russkoj Pravoslavnoj Tserkvi (Josephitism: a tendency in the Russian Orthodox Church), St. Petersburg: Memorial, 1999, p. 171. Cf. Edward Roslof: “Passport offices were prohibited from issuing documents to clergy; that duty belonged to a troika from the regional soviet. Passports would not be issued to men with degrees from theological seminaries or academies, to priests associated with the Josephite schism, or to conductors of church choirs (even if they were amateurs)” (Red Priests: Renovationism, Russian Orthodoxy, and Revolution, 1905-1946, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002, p. 182).

346 Danilushkin, op. cit., p. 535; M.V. Shkarovsky, Russkaia Pravoslavnaia Tserkov’ pri Staline i Khruscheve (The Russian Orthodox Church under Stalin and Khruschev), Moscow, 2005, p. 246.

347 A. Smirnov, “Ugasshie nepominaiuschie v bege vremeni” (Extinguished Non-Commemorators in the Flow of Time), Simvol (Symbol), N 40, 1998, p. 254.

348 Petrova, "Perestroika Vavilonskoj Bashni" (The Reconstruction of the Tower of Babel), Moscow, 1991, pp. 5-6 (MS).

349 Priest Alexis, “Sv. Otsy-Ispovedniki ob otnoshenii k vlastiam”, http://priestalexei.livejournal.com/2197.html.

350 Bishop Ambrose, "Gosudarstvo i 'katakomby'", op. cit., p. 104.

351 I Phoni tis Orthodoxias (The Voice of Orthodoxy), N 272, October, 1957, reprinted in N 928, May-June, 2004, pp. 8-9; Monk Anthony Georgantas, Opheilomene Apantesis se Kakoetheis kai anistoretes Epikriseis (A Necessary Reply to Malicious and Unhistorical Criticisms), Gortyna: Monastery of St. Nicodemus, 1992, p. 8; Khristianike Poreia (The Christian Way), March, 1992, p. 5. See also Irenée Doens, "Les Palaioimérologites: Alerte pour leurs Monastères" (The Old Calendarists: An Alert for their Monasteries), Irénikon, 1973, N 1, pp. 48-49.

352 Nun Vassa (Larin), “The Ecclesiastical Principle of oikonomia and the ROCOR under Metropolitan Anastasy”, Report at the Conference on the History of the Russian Church, November, 2002. In 1978 Metropolitan Epiphanios of Kition (Cyprus) told the present writer that when he visited New York in the 1960s, Metropolitan Anastasy had refused his request on the grounds that it would upset Constantinople…

353 Metropolitan Akakios, personal communication, May, 1985.

354 Lardas, op. cit., p. 17.

355 Hudson, Metropolitan Petros of Astoria, USA, 2014, pp. 20-21.

356 Lardas, op. cit., p. 17. Hudson (op. cit., p. 23) cites a Protocol from the ROCOR Synod archives dated August 25 / September 7, 1972 declaring this ordination invalid.

357 Andrei Psarev, "Vospominania Arkhiepiskopa Leontia Chilijskago", Pravoslavnaia Zhizn' (Orthodox Life), N 5 (557), May, 1996, pp. 11-12.

358 Psarev, op. cit., p. 12.

359 Metropolitan Cyprian, "The True Orthodox Christians of Romania", The Orthodox Word, January-February, 1982, vol. 18, N 1 (102).

360 Metropolitan Blaise, Pravoslavnaia Rus'(Orthodox Russia), N 2 (1479), 15/28 January, 1993, pp. 8-9.

361 Bishop Ambrose of Methone writes: “[Galaction] was Bishop of Silistre, which after the war was, with Southern Dobrodgea, ceded to Bulgaria. He was thus left without a diocese, and having been the confessor of the royal family, was a persona non grata who could not possibly be appointed to another see. He was thus a bishop in retirement, who continued to serve as invited (he in fact consecrated Teoctist, the present Patriarch, bishop) until 1955” (personal communication, 28 August, 2005). (V.M.)

362 Bujor, Resisting unto Blood: Sixty-Five Years of Persecution of the True (Old Calendar) Orthodox Church of Romania (October 1924 – December 1989), Etna, CA: Center for Traditionalist Orthodox Studies, 2003, pp. 113-114, 115-116.

363 Metropolitan Blaise, The Life of the Holy Hierarch and Confessor Glycherie of Romania, Etna, Ca.: Center for Traditionalist Studies, 1999, p. 50.

364 Bishop Evloghie was consecrated in 1955 and died in 1978. He had previously spent seven years in prison after declaring his adherence to the True Orthodox Church, and spent 14 years in prison in all. Bishop Meftodie was consecrated in 1956 and died in 1977. Metropolitan Galaction himself died in 1959. See Foi Transmise et Sainte Tradition (Transmitted Faith and Holy Tradition), N 79, November, 1994, p. 15; Bujor, op. cit., pp. 133-145..

365 Metropolitan Blaise, Pravoslavnaia Rus’, op. cit. ; Bujor, op. cit., pp. 126-127; Metropolitan Cyprian, op. cit., pp. 8-9; Stefan and Girgiu Hîncu, personal communication, September, 1994; Bishop Ambrose, personal communication, May, 2006.

366 Metropolitan Blaise, op. cit.

367 Bujor, op. cit., pp. 148-149.

368 “Saint Glicherie the Confessor, Metropolitan of Romania, 1881-1985”, typescript of the Monastery of Sts. Cyprian and Justina, Fili, Attica, Greece, July, 1999. Bishop Ambrose of Methone writes: “Metropolitan Vlasie, who looked after [Galaction] remembers that he had a stroke six days before his death and was unconscious during that time; only his right hand moved, constantly passing the knots of his prayer-rope… He was buried secretly at night, and a load of concrete poured into the grave, for fear lest the new calendarists should take his body” (private communications, August 28, 2005, May 3, 2006).

369 “Saint Glicherie”, op. cit. About 4000 monastics were expelled from their communities.

370 Victor Boldewskul, "The Old Calendar Church of Romania", Orthodox Life, vol. 42, N 5, October-November, 1992, pp. 13-15. Bishop Demosthenes spent seven years in prion.

371 Frank Dikötter, Mao’s Great Famine, London: Bloomsbury, 2011, pp. 325, 333.

372 Chang, Return of the Dragon, Oxford: Westview Press, 2001, pp. 145-148.

373 Revel, op. cit., pp. 174, 175.

374 Mirsky, in The Spectator, 1 October, 2016, p. 49.

375 Dikötter, “The Cultural Revolution. A People’s History”, History Today, September, 2016, pp. 13-14, 15.

376 Chang, Return of the Dragon, Oxford: Westview Press, 2001, pp. 145-148.

377 Mitrokhin and Andrews, The KGB and the World, London: Penguin, 2006, pp. 280-281.

378 Revel, op. cit., pp. 168-169.

379 Stone, The Atlantic and its Enemies, London: Penguin, 2011, pp. 249-251.

380 Stone, op. cit., p. 271.

381 Judt, Postwar, pp. 409-411.

382 Stone, op. cit., pp. 359-360.

383 Judt, Postwar, pp. 440-442.

384 Judt, Postwar, pp. 446, 447.

385 Revel, op. cit., pp. 262-263.

386 Birchall, Embassy, Emigrants, and Englishmen. The Three-Hundred Year History of a Russian Orthodox Church in London, Jordanville, N.Y.: Holy Trinity Publications, 2014, p. 425. According to one source, Archbishop John’s candidature was especially opposed by Archbishop Anthony of Geneva. The two men had never been friends…


387 Victor Gaetan, “The Church Undivided”, Foreign Affairs, May-June, 2013, p. 118.

388 Chetverikova, Izmena v Vatikane ili Zagovor Pap protiv Khristianstva (Betrayal in the Vatican, or the Conspiracy of the Popes against Christianity), Moscow, 2011, p. 35.

389 Ulrich Duckrow, Conflict over the Ecumenical Movement, Geneva: The World Council of Churches, 1981, p. 53.

390 Proclamation of the Holy Mountain, in Alexander Kalomiros, Against False Union, Seattle: St. Nectarios Press, 2000, p. 101.

391 Monk (now Metropolitan) Ephraim, Letter on the Calendar Issue, Holy Transfiguration Monastery, Boston. The present writer remembers meeting the head of an Athonite monastery in a convent of which he was the spiritual father in the north of Greece. He admitted that he celebrated Christmas twice – first on the Greek mainland according to the new calendar, and then on Mount Athos according to the Julian calendar.

392 Monk Ephraim, op. cit., p. 57.

393 Full text in Eastern Churches Review, vol. I, № 1, Spring, 1966, pp. 49-50.

394 Hebblethwaite, Paul VI: The First Modern Pope, 1993; in Fr. Alexey Young, The Rush to Embrace, Richfield Springs: Nikodemos Orthodox Publication Society, 1996, p. 63.

395 Monk Benjamin, Letopis’ Tserkovnykh Sobytij (Chronicle of Church Events), part 5, http://www.zlatoust.ws/letopis5.htm, p. 29.

396 Pogodin, “O Chine Priniatia v Pravoslavnuiu Tserkov’” (On the Rite of Reception into the Orthodox Church); Monk Benjamin, op. cit., part 5, pp. 24-25.

397 It was claimed by Matushka Anastasia Shatilova that the Sorrowful Epistles were in fact written by her father, Protopresbyter George (later Bishop Gregory) Grabbe. See Andrei Psarev, “The Development of Russian Orthodox Church Outside of Russia’s Attitude Toward Other Local Orthodox Churches”, http://www.sobor2006.com/printerfriendly2.php?id=119_0_3_0 , p. 8.

398 Full text in Ivan Ostroumoff, The History of the Council of Florence, Boston, pp. 193-199.

399 Senina, “And his lot is among the saints…”, Vertograd-Inform, № 15, January, 2000, pp. 15-17.

400 Lourié, “The Ecclesiology of a Retreating Army”, Vertograd-Inform, № 3, January, 1999, pp. 24-25 (English edition).

401 Fr. Seraphim Rose, in Hieromonk Damascene (Christensen), Father Seraphim Rose: His Life and Works, Platina, Ca.: St. Herman of Alaska Press, 2003, p. 397.

402 A Time to Choose, Libertyville, Ind.: Free Serbian Orthodox Diocese, 1981, p. 10.

403 Hieroschemamonk Akakije, in V. Moss, Letopis’ Velike Bitke (Chronicle of a Great Struggle), Belgrade, 2007, p. 395.

404 A Time to Choose, op. cit., p. 11.

405 M. Atavina, personal communication.

406 June 13, 2015. http://www.telegraf.rs/vesti/1111926-dobrica-cosic-krcun-i-udba-izabrali-su-germana-za-patrijarha-foto.

407 Popovich, "The Truth about the Serbian Orthodox Church in communist Yugoslavia", translated into Russian in Vestnik Germanskoj Eparkhii Russkoj Pravoslavnoj Tserkvi za Granitsei (Herald of the German Diocese of the Russian Orthodox Church Abroad), NN 2 and 3, 1992.

408 Hieroschemamonk Akakije, op. cit., pp. 345-350.

409 Popovich, in Vestnik Germanskoj Eparkhii Russkoj Tserkvi za Granitsei (Herald of the German Diocese of the Russian Church Abroad), № 3, 1992, pp. 15, 16.

410 A Time to Choose, 1981, p. 43.

411 Joachim Wertz has provided another possible motive for the Serbian Church’s entry into the WCC. He considers that “the main ‘practical’ reason why the Serbian Orthodox Church joined the WCC was that that body would provide the Serbian Church with visibility in the West and thus forestall any liquidation of the Church by Tito. Also the WCC would contribute to the rebuilding of many of the churches destroyed by the Croatian Ustasha in WWII. The rebuilding of these Churches was very high on the agenda of the Serbian Church. The Croatians wanted to erase the presence of Orthodoxy. The Serbian Church felt it imperative to bring back that presence and VISIBILITY. Similarly the WCC, and individual Western protestant Churches contributed to the building of the new Theological Faculty in the Karaburma section of Belgrade. This can be viewed as a posthumous slap in the face of Tito, who forbade the construction of any church in that neighborhood. He wanted it to be an ideal progressive, socialist community of ugly high rise apartments with no trace of the Church.” (“Re: [orthodox-synod] Strange letter”, orthodox-synod@yahoogroups.com , 26 February, 2003).

412 John Chaplain, “[paradosis] Re: Serbian Church – another item”, orthodoxtradition@ yahoogroups.com , 26 May, 2004.

413 A Time to Choose, op. cit., p. 47.

414 A Time to Choose, op. cit., p. 53.

415 Psarev, op. cit., p. 4

416 Pashkovsky, August 21, 2007, http://guest-2.livejournal.com/294723.html.

417 Psarev, op. cit., p. 4.


418 Orthodoxos Typos (Orthodox Press), № 144, June 15, 1971, page 4; Hieromonk Sabbas of De

ani, personal communication. When Fr. Justin died on March 25, 1979, the patriarch did not attend his

funeral…


419 Hieromonk Arsenije, “Slobodnim Srbima – slobodna i normalizovana Tsrkva”, Srpski misionar, N 19, 1964. (V.M.)

420 The New Chrysostom, Bishop Nikolaj Velimirovi

, St. Tikhon’s Seminary Press, 2011, pp. 106-117. (V.M.)

421 Slijep

evi


, “Ogreshena vladike Dionisija”, Iskra, Munich, 1963, pp. 13-14 (V.M.).

422 Draškovi

, “Kojim putem? Poruka mladom srpskom narashtaju koji Broz nije uspeo da prevaspita”, Chicago, 1967, p. 60 (V.M.).



423 Srpski misionar, NN 9-10, 1959 (V.M.)

424 Srpski Misionar, N 19, 1964, pp. 3-9 (V.M.)

425 Monk Joseph of Avila, Serbia, in Moss, Letopis Velike Bitke, op. cit., pp. 399-404. Joachim Wertz (private e-mail communication, February 4, 2001) writes: “You ask me about my attitude toward the ‘Free Serbs’, by which I understand what has become the New Gracanica Metropolia. The schism has been overcome, but the healing continues. Therefore I am reluctant to speak on this matter (and also because I do not have first-hand experience of that tragic time). Nevertheless it is something that needs to be discussed, especially for the benefit of non-Serbian Orthodox. I have read on the matter, but much of what I know comes from others who were either involved in the issue or who were witnesses. Most of these people were very close to Vladika Nikolai [Velimirovich]. And I personally trust them. Complaints were made against Bishop Dionisije to the mother Church in Belgrade long before the events of 1963. He was accused of conduct unbecoming of a Bishop. People are willing to suggest financial misconduct, but certainly moral misconduct is implied (one of these areas where Serbs are not too open). Dionisije had successfully established for himself his own domain in North America ‘from the Atlantic to the Pacific’ that was untouchable. Perhaps much like Archbishop Iakovos did. No one doubts the sincerity of his anti-fascism or his anti-communism. During WWII he did much to publicize the plight of the Serbs. But he had his ‘own little thing going’ and no one could intrude. Problems began happening after the war when the Serbian émigrés, including Bishop Nikolai, started to arrive. Many of these émigrés, several of whom I know or knew personally, had various levels of theological education. Their services were not welcomed by Dionisije. Neither was Vladika Nikolai. He was treated rudely and often ignored. Dionisije perceived him as a threat, though Nikolai always deferred to him as the ruling Bishop. Eventually Vladika Nikolai accepted the offer of the rectorship of St. Tikhon's Seminary and virtually ‘retired’ from American Serbian Church life. In short, Dionisije was threatened by the potential for spiritual and ecclesiastical ‘revival’ that came with the émigrés. (Please bear in mind that Vladika Nikolai, while in exile, was still the ruling bishop of the diocese of Zhicha. He remained such until his repose. He could not have been a canonical threat to the bishop of another diocese). In a remarkable example of bad timing, the complaints to the Patriarchate against Bishop Dionisije reached a crescendo at the very time Dionisije was most vocally anti-communist. Pressure on the Patriarchate to remove him came from two sources: his own flock and the Tito regime. Several bishops were sent to investigate him and they were treated not in a dignified manner. Dionisije refused to cooperate. There was no choice but to remove him. (Note this happened in 1963, Bishop Nikolai having died in 1956). Dionisije wrapped himself in anticommunism to conceal other matters. This is my understanding and opinion. Left on his own, at one point he even applied to be accepted by the Moscow Patriarchate! He was refused, as he was by the Synod Abroad. To create a hierarchy, he resorted to uncanonical Ukrainian bishops. Fortunately his successor, Bishop Irinej (Kovachevich), later Metropolitan of the New Gra

anica Metropolia, was a much more Church centered man. Later when the diocese became ‘the Free Serbian Church’ and he had contacts with the Greek Old Calendarists (at that time it was with Paisios of Astoria and whatever Synod he was part of), and also with the anti-ecumenist Patriarch of Alexandria Nicholas VI (under whose jurisdiction he was for a brief time), he and some of the clergy became more traditionalist (although I can't say how well this trickled down). It does seem that Metropolitan Irinej did leave a traditionalist legacy. As I said above, the schism is over, but is still healing. All of the antagonism now revolves around property claims and money. I should point out that I believe it is true that Fr. Justin Popovich truly believed that Bishop Dionisije was being persecuted because of his anti-communism. I feel he only knew, or was willing to believe, only one aspect of the story.”


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