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analytic work with Martin and
parent-work with his mother, which helped her to
eventually speak to her son about what she knew of his father for the fi rst time, led
to a freeing up of his learning inhibitions and an overall resumption of development.
But what seems clear is that, while there were obvious continuities between the
observational data from the Nursery and certain aspects of the analytic material that
emerged in treatment, the nature of Martin’s defences as a child—as well as the
inherent limitations of a purely observational approach—had ‘blurred the picture of
his fantasies and his fundamental depression’ (p.54).
Direct observation and analytic reconstruction: theoretical implications
The Hampstead War Nurseries had provided Anna Freud and her co-workers with a
vast amount of observational data on early infancy, and with the establishment of the
Hampstead Child-Therapy Clinic in 1948 there was the opportunity both to continue
such observational studies and to make links with data from the psychoanalytic treat-
ment of children. Instances such as the analysis of Martin—in which the same child
was studied longitudinally using both direct observation and analytic reconstruc-
tion—led Anna Freud to review her understanding of the relation between these two
forms of investigation in a paper given at the momentous ‘Stockbridge Symposium’
of 1950, organized by Ernst Kris, in which the relation between observational and
analytic data was debated at length.
Kris himself had opened the Symposium by reviewing the place of direct obser-
vation of children in the history of psychoanalysis. While such observations could
be traced back at least as early as 1905, Kris recognized that a decisive shift took
place in the 1920s, with the publication of Freud’s The ego and the id (1923) and
the growing interest in the ‘pre-oedipal’ period of childhood (Kris, 1951, p. 9). At a
later date, Anna Freud herself was to elaborate on this early history, in the opening
chapter of her most important late work, Normality and pathology in childhood
(1965).
In that work, Anna Freud looked back on the way in which early analysts rejected
direct observation of children as a legitimate form of psychoanalytic investigation,
and the tendency ‘to keep the relations between analysis and surface observation
wholly negative and hostile’ (1965, p. 12). The pioneering effort of these early
analysts was to un-earth the ‘hidden impulses’ that were not directly accessible
to observation, and to perfecting the analytic technique that so uniquely offered a
glimpse of the unconscious depths. With the shift of focus to the ego in the 1920s,
however, the analyst’s attention was ‘extended from the content and the derivatives
of the unconscious mind … to the methods employed by the ego to keep them
warded off from consciousness’ (p. 15).
This shift—initiated by the publication of The ego and the id in 1923—led
directly to the publication of Anna Freud’s own best-known work, The ego and the
mechanisms of defence (1936). In that work, Anna Freud pointed out that the ego
functions, including the defences, were far more amenable to direct observation than
the deep unconscious that had been the exclusive focus of the early analysts. Defences
such as ‘reaction formations’ could be inferred from direct observations, such as a
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young boy’s excessive concern that something bad would happen to his father when
he went out in the dark at night, or the child listening anxiously to his baby sibling’s
breathing at night ‘lest he might die in his sleep’ (p. 16). While the direct observer
is at a disadvantage to the analyst in other respects, ‘his status improves decisively
with the inclusion of ego psychology into psychoanalytic work’:
There is, for one, no controversy about the use of observation outside the analytic session
with regard to the confl ict-free sphere of the ego, that is, the various ego apparatuses that
serve sensation and perception … Further, so far as the ego functions are concerned, the
analyst is served in almost equal measure by observation inside and outside the analytic
setting. (p. 22)
But Anna Freud also offers a word of caution about how far direct observation
can contribute to psychoanalytic understanding. She pointed out that those things
‘discovered’ by direct observation were only seen once the observers themselves
had been analytically trained, and that ‘the most vital facts’ of early childhood had
remained unnoticed by observers until they had been reconstructed from analytic
work.
Indeed, in her earlier work Anna Freud had already recognized that the observa-
tions of infants and children made in the War Nurseries were not ‘objective’ in the
traditional sense of the word, because they were already framed by pre-existent
knowledge.
6
Their value lay more in ‘checking the children’s behaviour against the
analytic assumptions about the hidden trends in the child’s mind’ (A. Freud, 1951,
p. 148). While aware of the limitations of such work, she argued that such observa-
tions of children—such as those described above in relation to children’s responses
to air-raids or early separations—could be used ‘to confi rm, to amend, or to widen
existent analytic knowledge’ (p. 148, original italics).
To give but one example, Anna Freud suggested that direct observation offered
‘welcome confi rmation’ of the phases of libidinal development outlined by Freud
and Abraham, although she noted a wide overlapping between the oral and the anal
stages in young children. Moreover, the ‘vividness, colourfulness and convincing
strength’ of such direct observations of the gradual growth and development of
infantile sexuality, ‘undisturbed by later overlays’, led Anna Freud to conclude that
‘every student of psychoanalysis should be given the opportunity to watch these
phenomena at the time when they occur so as to acquire a picture against which
he can check his later analytic reconstructions’ (p. 149). Direct observation could
have equal value in giving reality to distinctions such as that between primary and
secondary process thinking, or to the fusion of sexual and aggressive drives.
But various observations also led Anna Freud to amend certain aspects of
received psychoanalytic ideas. For example, the War Nurseries’ observations
noted that infants showed marked reactions of disgust before toilet training had
started, despite a theoretical prediction to the contrary. Anna Freud also noticed
that observations of young children imitating coitus were relatively frequent,
although in the case of those children living in the Nurseries from birth ‘there was
6
And hence, as both Anna Freud and Klein discovered in the Controversial Discussions, they could not
be used to settle theoretical differences about early childhood development (Steiner, 2000b).