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growing capital, and even by doing so must eternise their dependent relation on their own
product, as personified in the capitalists. In reference to this relation of dependence, Sir F. M.
Eden in his “The State of the Poor, an History of the Labouring Classes in England,” says,
“the natural produce of our soil is certainly not fully adequate to our subsistence;
we can neither be clothed, lodged nor fed but in consequence of some previous
labour. A portion at least of the society must be indefatigably employed .... There
are others who, though they ‘neither toil nor spin,’ can yet command the produce
of industry, but who owe their exemption from labour solely to civilisation and
order .... They are peculiarly the creatures of civil institutions,
4
which have
recognised that individuals may acquire property by various other means besides
the exertion of labour.... Persons of independent fortune ... owe their superior
advantages by no means to any superior abilities of their own, but almost entirely
... to the industry of others. It is not the possession of land, or of money, but the
command of labour which distinguishes the opulent from the labouring part of the
community .... This [scheme approved by Eden] would give the people of
property sufficient (but by no means too much) influence and authority over those
who ... work for them; and it would place such labourers, not in an abject or
servile condition, but in such a state of easy and liberal dependence as all who
know human nature, and its history, will allow to be necessary for their own
comfort.”
5
Sir F. M. Eden, it may be remarked in passing, is the only disciple of Adam Smith during the
eighteenth century that produced any work of importance.
6
Under the conditions of accumulation supposed thus far, which conditions are those most
favourable to the labourers, their relation of dependence upon capital takes on a form endurable
or, as Eden says: “easy and liberal.” Instead of becoming more intensive with the growth of
capital, this relation of dependence only becomes more extensive, i.e., the sphere of capital’s
exploitation and rule merely extends with its own dimensions and the number of its subjects. A
larger part of their own surplus-product, always increasing and continually transformed into
additional capital, comes back to them in the shape of means of payment, so that they can extend
the circle of their enjoyments; can make some additions to their consumption-fund of clothes,
furniture, &c., and can lay by small reserve funds of money. But just as little as better clothing,
food, and treatment, and a larger peculium, do away with the exploitation of the slave, so little do
they set aside that of the wage worker. A rise in the price of labour, as a consequence of
accumulation of capital, only means, in fact, that the length and weight of the golden chain the
wage worker has already forged for himself, allow of a relaxation of the tension of it. In the
controversies on this subject the chief fact has generally been overlooked, viz., the differentia
specifica [defining characteristic] of capitalistic production. Labour power is sold today, not with
a view of satisfying, by its service or by its product, the personal needs of the buyer. His aim is
augmentation of his capital, production of commodities containing more labour than he pays for,
containing therefore a portion of value that costs him nothing, and that is nevertheless realised
when the commodities are sold. Production of surplus-value is the absolute law of this mode of
production. Labour-power is only saleable so far as it preserves the means of production in their
capacity of capital, reproduces its own value as capital, and yields in unpaid labour a source of
additional capital.
7
The conditions of its sale, whether more or less favourable to the labourer,
include therefore the necessity of its constant re-selling, and the constantly extended reproduction
of all wealth in the shape of capital. Wages, as we have seen, by their very nature, always imply
the performance of a certain quantity of unpaid labour on the part of the labourer. Altogether,
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irrespective of the case of a rise of wages with a falling price of labour, &c., such an increase only
means at best a quantitative diminution of the unpaid labour that the worker has to supply. This
diminution can never reach the point at which it would threaten the system itself. Apart from
violent conflicts as to the rate of wages (and Adam Smith has already shown that in such a
conflict, taken on the whole, the master is always master), a rise in the price of labour resulting
from accumulation of capital implies the following alternative:
Either the price of labour keeps on rising, because its rise does not interfere with the progress of
accumulation. In this there is nothing wonderful, for, says Adam Smith, “after these (profits) are
diminished, stock may not only continue to increase, but to increase much faster than before.... A
great stock, though with small profits, generally increases faster than a small stock with great
profits.” (l. c., ii, p. 189.) In this case it is evident that a diminution in the unpaid labour in no way
interferes with the extension of the domain of capital. – Or, on the other hand, accumulation
slackens in consequence of the rise in the price of labour, because the stimulus of gain is blunted.
The rate of accumulation lessens; but with its lessening, the primary cause of that lessening
vanishes, i.e., the disproportion between capital and exploitable labour power. The mechanism of
the process of capitalist production removes the very obstacles that it temporarily creates. The
price of labour falls again to a level corresponding with the needs of the self-expansion of capital,
whether the level be below, the same as, or above the one which was normal before the rise of
wages took place. We see thus: In the first case, it is not the diminished rate either of the absolute,
or of the proportional, increase in labour power, or labouring population, which causes capital to
be in excess, but conversely the excess of capital that makes exploitable labour power
insufficient. In the second case, it is not the increased rate either of the absolute, or of the
proportional, increase in labour power, or labouring population, that makes capital insufficient;
but, conversely, the relative diminution of capital that causes the exploitable labour power, or
rather its price, to be in excess. It is these absolute movements of the accumulation of capital
which are reflected as relative movements of the mass of exploitable labour power, and therefore
seem produced by the latter’s own independent movement. To put it mathematically: the rate of
accumulation is the independent, not the dependent, variable; the rate of wages, the dependent,
not the independent, variable. Thus, when the industrial cycle is in the phase of crisis, a general
fall in the price of commodities is expressed as a rise in the value of money, and, in the phase of
prosperity, a general rise in the price of commodities, as a fall in the value of money. The so-
called currency school concludes from this that with high prices too much, with low prices too
little
8
money is in circulation. Their ignorance and complete misunderstanding of facts
9
are
worthily paralleled by the economists, who interpret the above phenomena of accumulation by
saying that there are now too few, now too many wage labourers.
The law of capitalist production, that is at the bottom of the pretended “natural law of
population,” reduces itself simply to this: The correlation between accumulation of capital and
rate of wages is nothing else than the correlation between the unpaid labour transformed into
capital, and the additional paid labour necessary for the setting in motion of this additional
capital. It is therefore in no way a relation between two magnitudes, independent one of the other:
on the one hand, the magnitude of the capital; on the other, the number of the labouring
population; it is rather, at bottom, only the relation between the unpaid and the paid labour of the
same labouring population. If the quantity of unpaid labour supplied by the working class, and
accumulated by the capitalist class, increases so rapidly that its conversion into capital requires an
extraordinary addition of paid labour, then wages rise, and, all other circumstances remaining
equal, the unpaid labour diminishes in proportion. But as soon as this diminution touches the
point at which the surplus labour that nourishes capital is no longer supplied in normal quantity, a