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noted regretfully, Georgian historical records preserve no trace of the aspira-
tions, estimates and thoughts that guided Georgian public figures in their at-
tempt to establish the kingdom of Trebizond in 1204 (Z. Avalishvili, 1989, p.
52). Historians have modestly suggested that the efforts to bring the region
of Trebizond under Georgian influence, which, in its turn, implied the west-
ward expansion of the Georgian state and its gaining control of the Black Sea
basin, must have been initiated before Queen Tamar. It is assumed that King
Davit Aghmashenebeli (David the Builder) had taken steps to this end by un-
dertaking a military campaign to the region of Trebizond (V. Kopaliani, 1968,
pp. 109-121). It has also been noted that bearing in mind the goals of the
Georgian state with respect to Trebizond, King Giorgi III may also have made
an agreement with Andronikos Komnenos, who later emerged as Byzantine
Emperor though for a short time (1183-1185) (M. Gabashvili, 1998, p. 146; M.
Gabashvili, 2007, No 2(28), p. 43). 
It is thus evident that the assumptions made by historians with regard
to the preliminary work that took years and aimed at laying a foundation for
the Empire of Trebizond, an important move in Georgian foreign policy of
Middle Ages, are fairly well-grounded. Apart from the body of evidence of-
fered by written sources, this viewpoint is further confirmed by visual
sources, such as murals adorning Georgian churches, which certainly provide
information on the state policy of the time.Within this context, the idea of
establishing Vardzia castle acquires particular relevance. The historical
composition of the period of Queen Tamar Istoriani da azmani
sharavandedtani makes the following reference to Vardzia: ‘Vardzia was
started by beloved father of Giorgi, who failed to finish it and she completed
it and decorated richly and donated a great number of villages’ [Kartlis
Tskhovreba, vol. II, 1959, p. 91]. It is possible that Vardzia was founded not
only for defending the southern region, but also to ensure effective control of
the neighbour area of Trebizond. The image of St. Eugenios of Trebizond at
Vardzia, which is not only the earliest of the surviving images of the saint, but
also precedes the foundation of the Empire of Trebizond, raises a question as
to whether the Georgian royal court could play a role in the evolution of the
cult of the saint and the formation of its iconographic type.
There is another question concerning St. Eugenios of Trebizond which
has been raised by the paintings at Vardzia. St Kanidios, St. Valerianos and St.
Akylas mentioned together with St. Eugenios are not represented here. But in
the same context with St. Eugenios depicted are four out of the five martyrs
from Trebizond, namely St. Auxsentios, St. Mardarios, St. Eustratios, St.
Orestes and St. Eugenios, all of whom are commemorated on 13 December. It
is not only that their popularity exceeded that of St Eugenios of Trebizond
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and three martyrs mentioned together with him, but also that the image of
Eugenios of Trebizond emerged from the literary and ‘historical’ image of St.
Eugenios, namesake of St. Eugenios of Trebizond and one of the five saints
(J.O. Rosenqvist, 2003, p.  194). In some cases the two saints were even mixed
up. The same must be the case here, which is confirmed by the absence of the
Georgian translation of Passio of St Eugenios of Trebizond, St. Kanidios, St.
Valerianos and St. Akylas, while the Passio of the five saints was known in
Georgia as early as the 8th-9th century. Another translation of the text was
made in the 11th century by Ekvtime Atoneli (Euthimius the Athonite) (K.
Kekelidze, vol., I, pp. 133-134, 184). Neither can the images of St. Kanidios, St.
Valerianos and St. Akylas be found at Timotesubani, while the reprsentations
of the five martyrs are present here too. This logic seemingly explains the
popularity of the five martyrs and their frequent depiction in the late
medieval paintings, especially in works that reveal either an obvious affinity
with Trebizond, e.g. late 13th century paintings in Achi St. George (J. Iose-
bidze, 1990, pp. 31, 49, 61, 77-78) or suggest only a possible kinship with the
Empire, e.g. 14th century paintings at Jumati Church of the Archangel. 
The emergence of the image of St Eugenios in Georgian paintings of the
later period can be explained by different historical circumstances. The study
of the representaitons of St Eugenios and martyrs related to him in will enrich
the history of Georgian state policy and culture with new evidence, which is
a subject of future research. 
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Figure 1. The Church of Timotesubani (1205-1215). 
St. Eugenios as St. Warrior represented to the right of the door 
towards the edge of the west wall
Figure 2. The Church of Vardzia (1184-1185). The donor composition of  
King Giorgi III and Queen Tamar with St. Eugenios
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Figure 3. The Church of Vardzia (1184-1185). St. Eugenios (detail)
References
Gabashvili, M. ( 1998).Trapizoni kartuli tskaroebis mikhedvit (Trebizond
according to Georgian Sources), Aghmosavletmtsodneoba (Oriental Studies),
Proceedings of the Ivane Javakhishvili State University, Tbilisi, 
Eastmond, A. (2004). Art and Identity in Thirteenth-Century Byzantium:
Hagia Sophia and the Empire of Trebizond, Birmingham.
Rosenqvist, J.O. ( 2003). Local Worshipers, Imperial Patrons: Pilgrimage
to St. Eugenios of Trebizond, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, #56, Washington, D.C.
Bryer, A.  and Winfield, D. (1985). The Byzantine Monuments and Topog-
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ton, D.C.
Antony Bryer with David Winfield, Selina Balance, and Jane Isaac,
(2002).The Post-Byzantine Monuments of the Pontos, A Sourse Book (Vario-
rum Collected Studies Series: CS707).  
Privalova, E. ( 1980). Rospisj Timotesubani (Wall Paintings at Timote-
subani), Tbilisi.
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