5
D I V E R S I T Y A N D S T R U C T U R E D I N T E R A C T I O N S
Asia or Africa, however, the do’s and don’ts differ. If we go at the end of
the market day, we may bargain over the price of the fruit that is left on
the stand—something we could never do in a supermarket where fruit
will be refrigerated overnight. If we are in the household goods section
of the bazaar, vendors would be astounded if we did not make several
counteroffers before we purchased an item. Try that in a furniture store
in a commercial district of a Western country, and you would find yourself
politely (or not so politely) told to leave the establishment. Thus, there
are many subtle (and not so subtle) changes from one situation to another
even though many variables are the same.
These institutional and cultural factors affect our expectations of the
behavior of others and their expectations of our behavior (Allen 2005).
For example, once we learn the technical skills associated with driving a
car, driving in Los Angeles—where everyone drives fast but generally fol-
lows traffic rules—is quite a different experience from driving in Rome,
Rio, and even in Washington, D.C., where drivers appear to be playing a
bluffing game with one another at intersections rather than following traf-
fic rules. When playing racquetball with a colleague, it is usually okay to
be aggressive and to win by using all of one’s skills, but when teaching a
young family member how to play a ball game, the challenge is how to
let them have fun when they are first starting to learn a new skill. Being
too aggressive in this setting—or in many other seemingly competitive
situations—may be counterproductive. A “well-adjusted and productive”
adult adjusts expectations and ways of interacting with others in situa-
tions that occur in diverse times and spaces.
Our implicit knowledge of the expected do’s and don’ts in this variety
of situations is extensive. Frequently, we are not even conscious of all of
the rules, norms, and strategies we follow. Nor have the social sciences
developed adequate theoretical tools to help us translate our implicit
knowledge into a consistent explicit theory of complex human behavior.
When taking most university courses in anthropology, economics, geogra-
phy, organization theory, political science, psychology, or sociology, we
learn separate languages that do not help us identify the common work
parts of all this buzzing confusion that surrounds our lives. Students fre-
quently complain—and justifiably so—that they have a sense of being in a
Tower of Babel. Scholars also see the same problem (V. Ostrom 1997, 156).
Is There an Underlying Set of Universal Building Blocks?
The core questions asked in this book are: Can we dig below the immense
diversity of regularized social interactions in markets, hierarchies, fami-
lies, sports, legislatures, elections, and other situations to identify uni-
versal building blocks used in crafting all such structured situations? If
6
C H A P T E R O N E
so, what are the underlying component parts that can be used to build
useful theories of human behavior in the diverse range of situations in
which humans interact? Can we use the same components to build an
explanation for behavior in a commodity market as we would use to
explain behavior in a university, a religious order, a transportation
system, or an urban public economy? Can we identify the multiple levels
of analysis needed to explain the regularities in human behavior that
we observe? Is there any way that the analyses of local problem solving,
such as the efforts of Maine lobster fishers for the last eighty years to
regulate their fisheries (see Acheson 1988, 2003; Wilson 1990), can be
analyzed using a similar set of tools as problem solving at a national
level (Gellar 2005; McGinnis forthcoming; Sawyer 2005) or at an
international level (Gibson, Anderson, et al. 2005; O. Young 1997,
2002)?
My answer to these questions is yes. This answer is, of course, a conjec-
ture and can be challenged. Asserting that there is an underlying unity is
easy. Convincing others of this is more difficult. I welcome exchanges with
others concerning the fundamental building blocks of organized human
interactions.
Many Components in Many Layers
The diversity of regularized social behavior that we observe at multiple
scales is constructed, I will argue, from universal components organized
in many layers. In other words, whenever interdependent individuals are
thought to be acting in an organized fashion, several layers of universal
components create the structure that affects their behavior and the out-
comes they achieve. I give a positive answer to these questions based on
years of work with colleagues developing and applying the Institutional
Analysis and Development (IAD) framework.
2
Helping others to see the usefulness of developing a multilevel taxon-
omy of the underlying components of the situations human actors face is
the challenge that I undertake in this volume. Scholars familiar with the
working parts used by mathematical game theorists to describe a game
will not be surprised by the positive answer. To analyze a game, the theo-
rist must answer a series of questions regarding universal components of
a game, including the number of players, what moves they can take, what
outcomes are available, the order of decisions, and how they value moves
and outcomes.
On the other hand, game theorists will be surprised at the extremely
large number of components identified in this book that create the context
within which a game is played. Further, if one drops the use of a universal,
simplified model of the individual, the number of options that a theorist