Dmitri M. Bondarenko
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NOTES * First published in Social Evolution & History 1 (1), July 2002, pp. 54–79 under the title ‘Alternative Pathways of Social Evolution’. 1 Note, however, that in fact this was frequently essentially Spencerian vision which was implied in such cases; that is the evolution was perceived as ‘а change from an incoherent homogeneity to а coherent heterogeneity’ (Spencer 1972 [1862]: 71). 2 The state is understood throughout as ‘…a sufficiently stable political unit characterized by the organization of power and administration which is separated from the population, and claims a supreme right to govern certain territory and population, i. e. to demand from it certain actions irrespective of its agreement or disagreement to do this, and possessing resources and forces to achieve these claims’ (Grinin 1997: 20; see also Grinin 2000c: 190). 3 See also its fundamental criticism by Mann (1986), the most radically negative attitude to this scheme expressed in categories of social evolution ‘trajectories alternativity’ by Yoffee (1993), several collective works of recent years (Patterson and Gailey 1987; Ehrenreich et al. 1995; Kradin and Lynsha 1995; Kradin et al. 2000; Bondarenko and Korotayev 2000a), proceedings of recent international conferences (Butovskaya et al. 1998; Bondareko and Sledzevski 2000). 4 There is considerable difference in the general ‘world-system’ and civilizational approaches. While the former tends to develop the globalistic viewpoint on history, the latter emphasizes regional trends and tendencies of evolution. At the same moment, our employment of the ‘world-system’ approach in this part of our paper, in our opinion must not be apprehended as a contradiction within our overall ‘civilizational’ approach. First, there is an important aspect the respective approaches share: both of them stress supra-local (of more than one society) trends of changes in different spheres; and, second, pre-modern ‘world-systems’ as they are represented in the corresponding approach supporters’ works (except A. Gunder Frank's version [e.g., Frank and Gills 1993]) look very similarly with what is called ‘civilizations’ within another approach [e.g., Abu-Lughod 1989; Sanderson 1995; Chase-Dunn and Hall 1997]. Furthermore, it looks very much like that in the United States the general understanding of the necessity to study evolution and history on the supra-local level came through Wallerstein while in reality it was the civilizational approach (especially of the Danilevsky – Spengler – Toynbee ‘brand’) for which this principle became most fundamental much earlier. 5 This appears to be especially relevant for those societies where extended families are dominated not by groups of brothers, but by individual ‘fathers’ (see e.g., Bromley 1981: 202–210). 6 Note that among not only humans but other primates too, the role of kin relations is greater in homoarchically organized associations (Thierry 1990; Butovskaya and Feinberg 1993: 25–90; Butovskaya 1993; 2000; Butovskaya, Korotayev, and Kazankov 2000). 7 However, such transformations could only happen when certain conditions were present. E.g., this could happen as a result of the influence of neighboring state systems. 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