I I A S N E W S L E T T E R # 4 7 S p r i n g 0 0 8
R E V I E W
Meredith Weiss
W
atching the pomp and absurdity
of this year’s US presidential elec-
tions, one cannot help but be struck by
what such rituals represent, beyond the
mere fact of choosing a new head of gov-
ernment and state. There is the element
of carnival, of course, but also a persistent
subcurrent of deeper meaning: that this
overblown, pricey, closely-managed circus
still does represent a chance for ‘the peo-
ple’ self-consciously to assert their sov-
ereignty. Against such a backdrop, Chua
Beng Huat’s lively edited volume, Elec-
tions as Popular Culture in Asia, offers an
especially welcome stimulus. The volume
presents a series of engaging descriptions
and analyses of campaign festivities and
foibles across states, but also poses deep-
er questions of how citizens interpret and
enact their own roles in election tableaux
- the distinction between “democracy as a
political goal and the election as an instru-
ment for attaining it” (p.140).
Chua’s straightforward introduction lays
out the rationale for the book and syn-
thesises insights from the case studies
that follow. The volume grew out of a
workshop in early 2005 on the preceding
“year of elections across Asia.” It takes as
a premise that campaigns are about more
(or less) than just providing information
for the rational weighing of choices, and
elections, the aggregation of rational, soli-
tary actions. Rather, even where electoral
rules keep real choice in check, elections
hold out hope for the governed of a bet-
ter future - that this time, their vote could
make a difference - and “remain the pri-
mary channels of popular participation in
politics” (p.6). Contending parties assert
their popularity by drumming up crowds
and creating ‘news’, offering the illusion, at
least, of sufficient popular mobilisation to
confirm the winner’s legitimacy in a world
of hegemonic electoralism. Meanwhile,
elements from civil society take advan-
tage of relaxed rules and crowds to press
their own agendas, including encourag-
ing deeper and broader participation. The
full syndrome is embedded in a specific
culture and context, though; the script is
hardly universal, however much elections
as a concept may be presumed to be so.
It is with this paradox that the volume
engages, reading elections as an artefact
and aspect of the popular culture in which
they take place.
The chapters that follow address elections
of 2004 (or the closest thereto) in Taiwan
(by Ko Yufen), Hong Kong (Wan-chaw
Shae and Pik-wan Wong), Indonesia (Jen-
nifer Lindsay), the Philippines (Filomeno
V. Aguilar, Jr.), Thailand (Pitch Pongsawat),
Malaysia (Francis Loh Kok Wah), India (M.
Madhava Prasad), South Korea (Keehye-
ung Lee), and Japan (Kaori Tsurumoto).
While the quality is high throughout, some
contributors follow Chua’s prompt bet-
ter than others. Several could have ben-
efited from deeper engagement with the
Chua Beng Huat, ed. 2007.
Elections as Popular Culture in Asia. Abingdon, Oxon and New York: Routledge.
197 pages. ISBN 0 415 42570 0.
Elections as popular culture
workshop process and other chapters to
sharpen their points. For instance, in fault-
ing Japan’s Public Office Election Law for
discouraging popular engagement, Tsuru-
moto might have considered a comparison
with Malaysia, or with pre-transition elec-
tions in a place like Indonesia, to tease out
other contributing factors. A few chapters,
too, for instance on Hong Kong, detour
substantially into extra-electoral matters,
reviewing wider political developments and
sentiments. Most of the authors are part
of the publics and cultures they describe;
Lindsay is an exception, but can claim
authority based on decades of observance
of Indonesian elections. Some focus on
the meaning with which citizens vest can-
didates and campaigns (for instance, the
chapters on Thailand or the Philippines);
others more on detailing what parties do
(as for Japan and Malaysia).
Mobilisation and manipulation
of emotions
Overall, the set of cases offers a set of
colourful snapshots and a host of riddles.
Campaigns, per these accounts, range
from excessively structured and “dull and
mind-numbingly similar” (p.179) in Japan,
to “a spectacle of color, enthusiastic popu-
lar participation, [and] innovative modes
of self-expression” (p.149) in India. Con-
tenders aim not just to lure supporters,
but to convince citizens to care and to vote
at all. Ko describes that process of full-
scale mobilisation and manipulation of
emotions in Taiwanese elections, at least,
as “akin to a provisional, contingent, and
flexible guerrilla war” (p.23). Traditional
symbolism complements modern touches
across cases. Aguilar draws an elaborate,
but convincing, analogy between cam-
paigns and cockfights - elections as a gam-
ble in the Philippines. Meanwhile, in Indo-
nesia, campaign styles and events draw
on such rituals as wedding ceremonies
and all kinds of performance, presenting a
degree of continuity with everyday life. And
in Taiwan, ‘image-making’ extends from
candidates’ kneeling before citizens in loco
parentis and begging for votes at temples,
night markets, weddings, and funerals, to
‘cosplay’ (the candidates’ ‘costume play’),
sloganeering, and rampant commodifica-
tion, with enough kitsch for sale “to trans-
form the candidates into household celeb-
rities” (p.35).
Elements of humour - of irony, parody, and
sheer playfulness - recur across accounts.
Voters in Hong Kong, for example, satirise
leaders in cartoons, plays, cyber-protests,
and other forums, ‘modifying’ official
propaganda and ‘photoshopping’ pro-Bei-
jing leaders’ photos. Thais transformed
even the September 2006 coup to enter-
tainment, escaping the confining ration-
ality of constitutionalism as they posed
with the tanks and soldiers. And in South
Korea, Lee proposes, online parody “often
works as a semiotic guerrilla practice and a
symbolic act of rebellion” (p.166), particu-
larly easily disseminated and understood
images.
At the intersection of popular culture and
formal politics in nearly all the cases pre-
sented are the media, whether mainstream
newspapers and television programs or
free-wheeling internet-based communi-
ties and forums. Controls on mainstream
media, or the manicuring of messages
therein, are subverted by the ready avail-
ability cyber-alternatives in Hong Kong,
Thailand, or South Korea, which allow
new forms of debate, mockery, engage-
ment, and empowerment. (One wonders
whether jaded voters in Japan, too, engage
in cyberpoliticking.) In India, where media
(especially regional or vernacular outlets)
are less fettered, coverage is flamboy-
ant, from slick advertising campaigns to
gossip, mudslinging, and free-wheeling
discussion, generally premised on an
assumption of politicians’ essential cor-
ruptness. Party-linked mainstream media
in Malaysia, meanwhile, carefully calibrate
their sycophancy, as Loh describes, build-
ing hype and getting out the vote, but steer-
ing clear of actual substance. Opposition
parties and NGOs, in turn, monitor these
media as part of a broader critique, as they
take advantage of loosened controls dur-
ing the brief campaign to issue their own
publications and messages. Surveys and
exit polls are featuring increasingly, as well,
for instance in the Philippines.
Testament to the entwining of media with
politics, too, is the prevalence of celebri-
ties in campaigns, whether as endorsers,
entertainers at events, or candidates them-
selves. As Lindsay describes for Indonesia,
the “intense slippage between the world of
performance and politics at election time”
(p.56) is apparent not just in television
talk shows and other media spectacles,
in the itinerant performers who work the
campaign circuit, and of presidential can-
didates’ crooning for the cameras, but in
the mass media celebrities who seek the
validation of being pursued by parties -
confirmation of the worth of their name,
and increasingly, of their own electability.
Motorbikers, singers and ‘smart
mobs’
However colourful the election process, it
remains a part of a broader political con-
text. Lee’s discussion of elections in South
Korea, for instance, draws relatively little
distinction between elections and other
‘political events’ such as impeachment
proceedings, just as Shae and Wong elide
rallies in 2003 over a proposed National
Security Bill and in 2004 over the estab-
lishment of universal suffrage with their
analysis of the polls of a few months later.
And elections in Hong Kong and Indonesia
transpire in a political order transformed
within the past decade - the former’s
handover to China in 1997 and the latter’s
abrupt change of regime the following year.
Not just political institutions, but popular
culture - and especially outlets such as
mass media - have changed dramatically
in the process. That imbrication helps
to explain why citizens across the region
still do vote: voters in the Philippines or
Malaysia, for instance, see it not just as
their duty and as a chance to assert a stake
in rewards, but as a legitimate and even
promising means of political change. In
a larger sense, as Chua notes in his intro-
duction, the volume offers evidence of
campaigns as an avenue for political voice,
and for participation beyond the mere act
of voting. One wishes some of the con-
tributors, however, had addressed these
dimensions more clearly - to what extent
the staged, shallow drama of Indonesian
elections, jazzed up with hired bands of
motorbikers and singers, for instance,
actually represents or inspires engage-
ment; whether the emotionally-battered
Taiwanese have any ‘gut feeling’ to follow;
or what outlets remain for older South
Koreans, less keyed in than the ‘2030 gen-
eration’ (in their twenties and thirties) to
the “mobility and interactivity” (p.160) of
online networks and ‘smart mobs’.
Indeed, the volume as a whole might have
benefited from a more nuanced analysis of
who is excluded or included in campaign
dramas. Lindsay, for instance, calls atten-
tion to those dynamics in noting how male
the terrain of campaign parades and ral-
lies has been, in terms of both participants
and audience. Increasingly, women have
been included in pawai (motorbike cav-
alcades), but still in an auxiliary role: as
pillion riders performing choreographed
movements. Pitch presents a disjuncture
between how urban middle class and
urban lower-income and poor communi-
ties understand, participate in, and are
pursued during campaigns - though the
analysis, unfortunately, focuses almost
entirely on the former category. Loh, too,
hints at the possibilities for different
understandings of electoral processes and
messages among those exposed to NGO
messages, persistently marginalised from
developmental rewards, or truly able, from
experience of opposition rule, to imagine
stability under an alternative to the long-
dominant National Front.
The book will appeal to readers across
the social sciences and humanities: it is
a work on politics, both institutions and
behaviour, but also on media, perception,
and discourse. The actual details of the
case studies will probably be familiar to
most country experts, though the perspec-
tive and other cases on offer may encour-
age new lines of inquiry and compari-
son. Moreover, the volume is eminently
approachable, suitable for undergraduates
as well as more advanced scholars, and
offers side notes in, for instance, fieldwork
methods (most charmingly in Tsuromo-
to’s contribution) and ways to work with
emerging electronic media (especially the
chapters by Lee and Pitch). Overall, the
volume is an engaging addition to studies
on popular culture and a useful corrective
to overly structural approaches to elec-
tions, without pretending to offer the last
word.
Meredith L. Weiss
University at Albany,
State University of New York
merweiss@gmail.com