V. I. L E N I N
38
power. The peasant does own means of production—imple-
ments, livestock, and his own or rented land—and sells the
products of his farming, being a small proprietor, a small
entrepreneur, a petty bourgeois.
Even today in Russia peasants hire no less than two
million agricultural wage-labourers to work on their farms.
And if all the landed estates were transferred, without com-
pensation, to the peasants, the latter would employ a much
greater number of labourers.
Such a transfer of the land to the peasants is a common
interest of the entire peasantry, of all wage-workers, of all
democrats, because landlordism is the foundation of the land-
lords’ political power of the type with which Purishkevich,
followed by Markov the Second and other “men of the Third
Duma”—nationalists, Octobrists, etc.—have made Russia
so very familiar.
This shows that the common aim now before the peasants
and the workers has absolutely nothing of socialism, despite
the opinion of ignorant reactionaries, and sometimes of
liberals. That aim is purely democratic. Its achievement
would mean the achievement of freedom for Russia, but it
would not at all mean the abolition of wage slavery.
If we want to put the joint action of different classes
on a sound basis, and if we want to ensure the real and
durable success of such action, we must be clear as to the
points on which the interests of these classes converge and
those on which they diverge. All delusions and “misconcep-
tions” on this score, and any obscuring of the matter with
meaningless phrases are bound to have the most ruinous
effect, are bound to undermine success.
II
“Agricultural work is different from work in a factory; but then
the work of a factory worker is different from that of a shop-assistant,
yet Zvezda assiduously tries to prove to the shop-assistants that they
belong to the same class as the workers, and that therefore they must
regard Social-Democrats as their representatives....”
That is how Mr. Vodovozov tries to disprove the argu-
ments regarding the profound class distinction between small
proprietors and wage-workers! In this case too, Mr. Vodo-
39
THE TRUDOVIKS AND THE WORKER DEMOCRATS
vozov’s arguments are permeated with the usual spirit of
bourgeois political economy. The small proprietor who is a
farmer belongs to the same class as the manufacturer, or
the small proprietor who is an artisan, and as the small pro-
prietor who is a shopkeeper; there is no class distinction
between them, they are distinguished only by their occupa-
tions. The wage-worker in agriculture belongs to the same
class as the wage-worker in a factory or in a commercial
establishment.
These are all elementary truths in terms of Marxism. And
Mr. Vodovozov is mistaken if he thinks that by describing
“my” Marxism as “extremely oversimplified” he can con-
ceal the essence of the matter, namely, that the Trudoviks are
constantly slipping from Marxist to bourgeois political econ-
omy.
Mr. Vodovozov slips into the same error, and along the
same lines, when, in dealing with my reference to the pro-
found class distinction between small proprietors and wage-
workers as proved by the experience of all countries and by
that of Russia, he tries to refute me by pointing out that
sometimes one class is represented by several parties, and
vice versa. In Europe the workers sometimes follow the
liberals, the anarchists, the clericals, etc. The landlords are
sometimes divided among several parties.
What do these facts prove? Only that, in addition to class
distinctions, there are other distinctions, such as religious,
national, etc., that affect the formation of parties.
That is true, but what has it got to do with our controver-
sy? Does Mr. Vodovozov point to the existence in Russia of
specific historical conditions—religious, national and other-
wise—that add themselves in the present instance to the class
distinctions?
Mr. Vodovozov did not, and could not, point to any such
conditions at all. Our controversy turned entirely on wheth-
er it is possible to have in Russia a party “standing above
classes”, one “serving the interests of three classes”. (Inci-
dentally, it is ridiculous to call the “working intelligentsia”
a class.)
Theory gives a clear answer to this question: it is impossi-
ble! An equally clear answer is provided by the experience of
1905, when all the class, group, national, and other distinc-
V. I. L E N I N
40
tions stood out in bold relief in the most open and most
massive actions at a highly important turning-point in Rus-
sian history. The Marxist theory was confirmed by the ex-
perience of 1905, which showed that a single party of
peasants and workers is impossible in Russia.
All three Dumas have shown the same thing.
Why refer, then, to the fact that in various countries
of Europe there have been instances of one class divided into
several parties or of several classes united under the leader-
ship of a single party? This reference is quite beside the
point. By this reference Mr. Vodovozov is merely deviating
—and trying to divert the reader—from the point at issue.
If the Russian democracy is to attain success, it is very
important for it to know its own strength, to take a sober
view of the state of affairs, and to realise clearly which
classes it can count upon. It would be exceedingly harmful
for it to cherish illusions, to cover up class distinctions
with empty phrases, or to dismiss them with good wishes.
We must plainly recognise the profound class distinction
between the peasants and the workers of Russia, a distinc-
tion which cannot be eliminated within the framework of capi-
talist society, within the framework of domination by the
market. We must plainly recognise the points on which their
interests coincide at present. We must unite each of these
classes, cement its forces, develop its political consciousness
and define the common task of both.
A “radical” (to use Mr. Vodovozov’s term, although I
do not think it a fortunate one) peasant party is useful
and indispensable.
All attempts to found a party standing “above classes”,
to unite the peasants and the workers in one party, to repre-
sent a non-existent “working intelligentsia” as a class by
itself, are extremely harmful and ruinous to the cause of
Russian freedom, since such attempts can bring nothing
but disillusionment, a waste of strength, and confusion in
people’s minds.
While fully sympathising with the formation of a consist-
ently democratic peasant party, we are obliged to combat
the above-mentioned attempts. The workers must also combat
the influence of the liberals upon the democratic peasant-
ry.
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