In the years of the Constitutional Revolution itself, the constitutionalists were routinely identified as
‘Babis’ by their opponents. During the late nineteenth century, an image of the Babis as heretics and
disrupters of social stability had been created and an atmosphere of fear and suspicion towards them
generated. It was very convenient for the Shah and the royalist forces that the reformers could be
easily identified in the public mind with the ‘Babis’ and thus the negative image of the latter could be
transferred to the former. Clerics who were allied to the court, such as Shaykh Fazlullah Nuri (1843–
1909), assisted the court by providing the arguments and rhetoric for this identification and he and
others, such as Sayyid ‘Ali Yazdi, regularly attacked the ‘Babis’ in their sermons against the
Constitution.
7
Nuri accused the ‘Babis’ of being the principal villains in the origination and
promulgation of the Constitution in pamphlets (
lavāyih) distributed from printing presses under his
control.
8
Outside Tehran, also, anti-constitutionalist ‘ulama’ attacked the Baha'i community as well as
accusing the secular constitutionalists of being ‘Babis’.
99
It therefore became part of the rhetoric of the royalist
forces to label all of the
constitutionalists ‘Babis’. In the first stages of the Revolution in December 1905, when the reformers
tried to gain a foothold in the Shah Mosque, Sayyid Abul-Qasim the Imam-Jum‘ih of Tehran shouted
down Sayyid Jamal Va‘iz as he was preaching, accusing him of being a ‘Babi’ and causing the
reformers to withdraw to refuge in the shrine of Shah ‘Abdul-‘Azim.
10
In June 1906, to put pressure
on the reformers, the government arrested several of them, accused them of being ‘Babis’ and exiled
them to Kalat.
11
When Shu‘a‘ al-Saltanih, acting for the reactionary Prime Minister ‘Ayn al-Dawlih,
wanted to sow division among the constitutionalist ‘
ulama’ who had taken refuge at Qumm, he
accused them of having fallen victim to a Babi-inspired plot.
12
In Tabriz in 1906–1908, the ‘ulama’,
wishing to discredit the constitutionalist association (
anjuman) there, accused it of being a Babi
agency and all constitutionalists of being 'Babis'.
13
And then when Tabriz was besieged, the Royalist
forces were told by their commanders that the constitutionalists of Tabriz were all ‘Babis’:
One prisoner was taken, and from him confirmation was received of the rumour that the
Royalist officers had circulated amongst their men the disgusting calumny that the inhabitants of
Tabriz had all turned Babis—i.e., heretics to Islam,—so that fighting against them might be looked on
7
Bayat, Iran's First Revolution, p. 211.
8
Bayat, Iran's First Revolution, pp. 186-7.
9
In Sari, for example, Shaykh Ghulam- Ali Mujtahid and in Barfurush, Shaykh Salman Sayf al-Islam,
both opposed the Constitution and persecuted the Baha'is. See Moojan Momen, ‘The Baha'is and the
Constitutional Revolution: The Case of Sari, Mazandaran, 1906–1913’, Iranian Studies, 41(3) (2008), pp. 343–
363; Mohammad Ali Kazembeyki, Society, Politics and Economics in Māzandarān, Iran, 1848–1914 (London:
RoutledgeCurzon, 2003), pp. 174–175; Asadullah Fazil Mazandarani, Tarikh Zuhur al-Haqq (Tehran:
Mu'assisih Melli Matbu‘at Amri, 132 B.E./1975), vol. 8, part 2, pp. 822–824. Other conservative ‘ulama’ who
came out against the Constitution and attacked the Baha'is included Mulla Qurban- Ali in Zanjan, Haji Mirza
Husayn in Nishapur, Haji Aqa Muhsin in Irak (Sultanabad), Mirza Hasan Mujtahid in Tabriz and Sayyid Kazim
Yazdi in Najaf. See Mahdi Ansari, Shaykh Fazlullah Nuri va Mashrutiyyat (Tehran: Amir Kabir, 1369/1990), p.
193; Mahdi Malikzadih, Tarikh Inqilab Mashrutiyyat Iran (Tehran: Kitabkhanih Suqrat, 1328/1949) (7 vols),
vol. 3, pp. 29–31. The interchange of correspondence and telegrams between the senior ‘ulama’ of Mazandaran
and the Shah and Nuri in Tehran contains several references to the Babis and Baha'is through the use of such
terms as ‘maẓhab-i bāṭilih’ and ‘tā'ifih-yi ḍālih’. See Isma‘il Mahjuri, Tarikh-i Mazandaran (Sari: Athar,
1345/1966), vol. 2, pp. 235–242, esp. 236 and 238.
10
Ibrahim Safa'i, Rahbaran Mashrutih, vol. 1 (Tehran : Intisharat Javidan, 1362/1983), pp. 322-3;
Bayat,
Iran's First Revolution, p. 111.
11
Muhammad Mahdi Sharif Kashani, Vaqi‘at Ittefaqiyyih dar Ruzigar (3 vols., Tehran: Nashr Tarikh
Iran, 1362/1983), vol. 1, p. 64; Nazim al-Islam Kirmani,
Tarikh Bidari Iraniyan (3 vols in 1, [Tehran]: Bunyad
Farhang Iran, 1346/1967), vol. 1, p.188.
12
Bayat, Iran's First Revolution, p. 132, 236.
13
Bayat, Iran's First Revolution, p. 151.
as a religious duty. After the victory this unfortunate was hustled into the presence of Sattar Khan [the
Constitutionalist leader] … The prisoner, in the centre of the circle gyrated on his axis, salamming
abjectly to each of his captors and babbling, ‘I too am a Babi, gentlemen; I too am a Babi.'
14
Later, when Muhammad Ali Shah staged his coup against the Constitution in June 1908, he stated
that his aim was to wage war against the ‘Babis’ and he later refused to negotiate with the Tabriz
constitutionalists until the ‘Babis and ruffians’ had been punished.
15
So strong was this identification
of the constitutionalists with the Babis at all levels of society that when the two eminent clerics who
supported the Revolution in Tehran—Bihbihani and Tabataba'i—were being exiled to Iraq, the people
along the route would malign them saying: ‘Cursed be the Babis.'
16
Thus, the first questions to be asked are: what did it mean when the anti-constitutionalist
figures attacked the constitutionalists as ‘Babis’? With whom were they identifying the
constitutionalists in these attacks? These questions will be examined by looking at the two main
groups who were at this time both being described by the generality of Iranians as ‘Babis’: the Azali
Babis and the Baha'is.
The Azali Babi Role in the Constitutional Revolution
When the Baha'i religion emerged from the Babi movement in the 1860s under the leadership of
Baha'u'llah, there were a small number (probably less than 5 per cent) who rejected him and continued
to follow the Babi leader Mirza Yahya Azal, thus becoming known as the Azalis. Despite their small
numbers in absolute terms, they formed a large proportion of the leading figures in the reform and
constitutionalist movement as it grew in the late 1890s and early 1900s. Indeed, as Bayat has
described, it can be said that it was the Azalis who were the main engines driving forward the
Constitutional Revolution. They created the coalition of masthead figures who had the credibility to
lead the Revolution (see below), formed the anjumans (associations) that organised the movement,
published the shabnamihs (propaganda leaflets distributed at night) and newspapers that created the
agenda for it and provided the oratory that generated the public support for it.
17
Given this important
role played by the Azalis movement, it may be imagined that it was the Azalis to whom reference was
being made when the constitutionalists were described as ‘Babis’.
The concealment of their beliefs, their wearing of clerical garb, their assertions of upholding
Islam, their constant manipulation and switching of roles has led historians such as Bayat to classify
the Azalis as freethinkers and atheists who cynically used religion as it suited them.
18
There is
certainly evidence for this in their actions. But given that they concealed their real opinions, it is
14
Albert Wratislaw, A Consul in the East (Edinburgh: Blackwood, 1924), p. 246; this story is
confirmed in Safa'i (
Rahbaran Mashrutih, vol. 1, p. 393n.), who expresses surprise that a very orthodox and
pious Shi‘i like Sattar Khan could have been considered a Babi.
15
Bayat, Iran's First Revolution, pp. 232, 240.
16
Safa'i, Rahbaran Mashrutih, vol. 1, p. 198.
17
Bayat, Iran's First Revolution, see esp. pp. 53-75, 110, 120, 152, 205. Although Bayat has given a
detailed description of the role of the Azalis in the Constitutional Revolution, the full impact of her work is
somewhat diluted by the fact that she often refers to these individuals as 'religious dissidents' rather than as
Azalis.
18
Bayat, Iran's First Revolution, pp. 22, 54.