"Habitation versus Improvement" [37]
doomed by the rich man's desire for a public improvement which
profits him privately.
Enclosures have appropriately been called a revolution of the rich
against the poor. The lords and nobles were upsetting the social order,
breaking down ancient law and custom, sometimes by means of vio-
lence, often by pressure and intimidation. They were literally robbing
the poor of their share in the common, tearing down the houses
which, by the hitherto unbreakable force of custom, the poor had long
regarded as theirs and their heirs'. The fabric of society was being dis-
rupted; desolate villages and the ruins of human dwellings testified to
the fierceness with which the revolution raged, endangering the de-
fences of the country, wasting its towns, decimating its population,
turning its overburdened soil into dust, harassing its people and turn-
ing them from decent husbandmen into a mob of beggars and thieves.
Though this happened only in patches, the black spots threatened to
melt into a uniform catastrophe.* The King and his Council, the
Chancellors, and the Bishops were defending the welfare of the com-
munity and, indeed, the human and natural substance of society
against this scourge. With hardly any intermittence, for a century and
a half—from the 1490s, at the latest, to the 1640s they struggled against
depopulation. Lord Protector Somerset lost his life at the hands of the
counterrevolution which wiped the enclosure laws from the statute
book and established the dictatorship of the grazier lords, after Rett's
Rebellion was defeated with several thousand peasants slaughtered in
the process. Somerset was accused, and not without truth, of having
given encouragement to the rebellious peasants by his denunciation
of enclosures.
It was almost a hundred years later when a second trial of strength
came between the same opponents, but by that time the enclosers were
much more frequently wealthy country gentlemen and merchants
rather than lords and nobles. High politics, lay and ecclesiastical, were
now involved in the Crown's deliberate use of its prerogative to pre-
vent enclosures and in its no less deliberate use of the enclosure issue
to strengthen its position against the gentry in a constitutional strug-
gle, which brought death to Strafford and Laud at the hands of Parlia-
ment. But their policy was not only industrially but politically re-
actionary; furthermore, enclosures were now much more often than
* Tawney, R. H.,
The Agrarian Problem in the Sixteenth Century, 1912.
[
38 ] The Great Transformation
before intended for tillage, and not for pasture. Presently the tide of
the Civil War engulfed Tudor and early Stuart public policy forever.
Nineteenth-century historians were unanimous in condemning
Tudor and early Stuart policy as demagogic, if not as outright reac-
tionary. Their sympathies lay, naturally, with Parliament, and that
body had been on the side of the enclosers. H. de B. Gibbins, though
an ardent friend of the common people, wrote: "Such protective en-
actments were, however, as protective enactments generally be, utterly
vain."* Innes was even more definite: "The usual remedies of punish-
ing vagabondage and attempting to force industry into unsuited fields
and to drive capital into less lucrative investments in order to provide
employment failed—as usual."
1
" Gairdner had no hesitation in appeal-
ing to free trade notions as "economic law": "Economic laws were, of
course, not understood," he wrote, "and attempts were made by legis-
lation to prevent husbandmen's dwellings from being thrown down
by landlords, who found it profitable to devote arable land to pasture
to increase the growth of wool. The frequent repetition of these Acts
only show how ineffective they were in practice."* Recently an econo-
mist like Heckscher emphasized his conviction that mercantilism
should, in the main, be explained by an insufficient understanding of
the complexities of economic phenomena, a subject which the human
mind obviously needed another few centuries to master.* In effect,
anti-enclosure legislation never seemed to have stopped the course of
the enclosure movement, nor even to have obstructed it seriously.
John Hales, second to none in his fervor for the principles of the Com-
monwealth men, admitted that it proved impossible to collect evi-
dence against the enclosers, who often had their servants sworn upon
the juries, and such was the number "of their retainers and hangers-
on that no jury could be made without them." Sometimes the simple
expedient of driving a single furrow across the field would save the
offending lord from a penalty.
Such an easy prevailing of private interests over justice is often re-
garded as a certain sign of the ineffectiveness of legislation, and the
victory of the vainly obstructed trend is subsequently adduced as con-
clusive evidence of the alleged futility of "a reactionary intervention -
* Gibbins, H. deB.,
The Industrial History of England, 1895.
t Innes, A. D.,
England under the Tudors, 1932.
t Gairdner, J., "Henry VIII," in
Cambridge Modern History, Vol. II, 1918.
§ Heckscher, E. F.,
Mercantilism, 1935, Vol. II, p. 104.