medicine. Lacking this relationship and feeling that their general health interests are
often ignored, people of this region tend to use traditional healing as an alternative or
second opinion to western medicine.
Mshiu and Chhabra (1982) argue that there are four types of traditional healers
in Tanzania: herbalists, herbalists-ritualists, ritualist-herbalist, and spiritualists. The
majority of theses healers are general practitioners using herbs for treatment. There
are also specialists employed, like bonesetters or traditional birth attendants. Most
healers in Tanzania practice a dual classification of illness, distinguishing illness and
conditions, which have a supernatural cause, like witchcraft or angered ancestral
spirits, and those that have a natural cause (Gessler et al., 1995, p. 146). Specifically,
Maasai healers, called ritual leaders (olotuno), are chosen to lead ritual and healing
ceremonies. The Maasai believe that the destiny of the ritual leader is inversely linked
to that of his age group. He is expected to prosper while being dogged by misfortune,
whether its poverty, childlessness, or death. Underneath him is the oloboruentkeene,
his deputy (Spencer, 1988). In choosing a new ritual leader, a short list is prepared by
Maasai spokesmen, containing ideal candidates who are unflappable, unblemished,
and with pure Maasai ancestry. This list is given to the Prophet and he is expected
to question the candidates with scrutiny and once a person is chosen, the Prophet
consults his oracle in secrecy. The Prophet’s choice is additionally shared with the
senior spokesman and two other members of the delegation, who must maintain
discreet silence. This silence is necessary to prevent news from spreading to the
victims who can run away beforehand. The two men chosen are then seized and
installed by force (Spencer, 1988).
The ritual leaders of the Maasai perform a variety of functions within the
group. Aside from dealing with individual health issues among the group, he is also
necessary to rituals involving the use of medicine. Circumcision marks the initiation
of adolescent boys and girls into adulthood and serves as a kind of proof that they
are prepared to endure the challenges of life with courage and dignity (Saitoti &
Beckwith, 1980, p. 84). The alamoratani, a traditional circumcision specialist, is
used to help the boy in his journey into manhood. This healing specialist is necessary
Healing Among the Maasai 55
as circumcision is both a physical and mental process, and the specialist is also used
to help facilitate boy’s mental maturity (Saitoti & Beckwith, 1980). Girls have a
similar female specialist that assists them in their circumcision as well. The number
of people within the Tanzanian population that engage in traditional healing is a far
more significant number than those of other African regions. Tanzania is known for
their resilience to westernization, with most of its population opting for a calmer and
customary way of living (Saitoti & Beckwith, 1980). However, in an ever-changing,
modernized world, many Tanzanians find it hard to keep their healing traditions met
with demands for them to conform to Western medicine.
Vanishing Traditions: The Threat of Westernized Medicine on the African
Personality
Traditional and Western medicine differ in many ways, primarily in their
conception of the causes of illness and disease and the healing methods they use
(Gessler et al., 1995). From a Western point of view, in which there is no spiritual
explanation, only scientific, for the causes of certain illnesses, and in which relief
from illness is seen in the form of prescribed medicine, inherently puts the African
continent in a difficult position. In most African societies, the cause of an illness
or discomfort is sometimes ascribed to supernatural forces arising from angered
ancestral spirits, evil spirits, or the effect of witchcraft (Gessler et al., 1995, p.
146). Specifically, the Maasai concept of anger can show this disconnect. Anger,
as mentioned previously, is a natural emotion; however, anger can enter one’s heart
through supernatural means (Spencer, 1988). The Maasi, understanding that anger
has spiritual aspects to it, will be more beneficial in treating the root, spiritual, and
deep seated cause of anger, as opposed to Western medicine that prescribe anger
management courses. According to Gessler et al., (1995):
Many people refuse to believe in the scientific explanation of a disease.
They include the illness in their traditional cultural belief system, which
combines religion, sorcery, health and interpersonal conflict into a
single form of belief and practice. An imbalance of personal ‘well being’
cannot just be treated by a pill. All the factors of the social environment,
which influence the single individual, have to be considered (p. 146).
56 Imhotep Journal
Additionally, African notions of disease and health are not determined by germs,
but by tensions and aggressions within social interrelations as well as by the
malevolence of supernatural forces (Okwu, 1979, p. 21). Therefore, good health can
only be preserved by the observance of social norms and taboos, the maintenance
of a harmonious relationship with the members of the supernatural world, and the
resolution of interpersonal and intra-group strains and tensions (Okwu, 1979, p. 21).
Western medicine can seem inadequate or inefficient to those people believing
in the African or the Maasai worldview. Western medicine’s inability to understand
these worldviews can prove to do more harm than good to the Maasai individual. If
western medicine does not take into account, the culture, worldview, and spirituality
of African people, then they are condemning their patients to inadequate health care.
If a person has social disorders, instead of seeking remedy within the comforts of
a group, like most African societies, western medicine would prescribe a drug, not
solving the deep seated problem. As more and more African people take a step in the
direction of Western medicine, it compromises not only their culture and traditions,
but distances them from their ethnic group, a sign of unhealthiness.
The vibrant, beautiful, and spiritual people of the Tanzanian Maasai are
different from other ethnic groups by still holding true their traditional lifestyle.
Tanzanian traditional medicine is sought as an alternative to western medicine,
primarily because western medicine lacks personal and meaningful relationships
between doctor and patient. Additionally, there are different types of traditional
healers; however, among the Maasai, ritual leaders act as healers for their people
and embody characteristics of a level headedness and purity. Traditional and western
medicine clash, primarily because of disconnects with culture, spirituality, and
worldview. Western medicine must consider the culture of their patients, in order
to give them the best health care possible. However, there are still some issues
that western medicine cannot adequately treat. These are issues of emotion and
supernaturalism. It should be understood that western medicine could exist and work
along side with traditional healers; however, coordinating the work of traditional and
Healing Among the Maasai 57
western medicine is still in its infancy in most African countries (Gessler et al., 1995,
p. 146).
Works Cited
Katz, S. H., & Kimani, V. N. (1982). Why patients go to the traditional
healers. EastAfrican Medical Journal, 59, 170-174.
Gessler, M. C., Msuya, D. E., Mwasumbi, L. B., Nikunya, M. H. H., Schfir, A.,
Heinrich, M., & Tanner, M. (1995). Traditional healers in Tanzania:
Sociocultural profile and three short portraits. Journal of
Ethnopharmacology, 48, 145- 160.
Mshiu, E. N., & Chhabra, S. C. (1982). Traditional healers and health care delivery
in Tanzania. Tropical Doctor, 12, 142-123.
Okwu, A. S. O. (1979). Life, death, reincarnation, and traditional healing in Africa.
A Journal of Opinion, 9, 19-24.
Ostermayer, I., Shija, M., & Wolff, M. M. (1993). Prescribing habits in city council
health facilities. Knowledge of patients concerning drugs. Availability of
essential drugs. Report about preliminary results. DUHP, Swiss Tropical
Institute, Socinstrasse 27, P.O. Box, CH-4002 Basel.
Saitoti, T. O., & Beckwith, C. (1980). Maasai. New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc.,
Publishers.
Spencer, P. (1988). The Maasai of Matapato: The study of rituals of rebellion.
Indianapolis, IN: Indiana University Press.
58
__________________________________________________________________
Imhotep Journal, Volume 7, May 2010
Winti Traditional Healing
By Kelsey Saunders
Traditional healing is an important aspect of the study of modern medicine.
In order to recognize the sources of ailments many people rely upon methods of
medicine not usually practiced in western medicine. The practitioners of Winti utilize
spiritual power and herbal remedies to treat both physical and spiritual ailments.
Winti is a spiritual system that is practiced by descendents of those brought
to Suriname from Africa’s West Coast during the holocaust of the slave trade period
from 1650-1830. (Wooding, 1979). They came from various ethnic groups: the Fante-
Akan from Ghana; the Ewe-Fon from Togo and Benin; the Bantu from Congo, Zaire,
and Angola; and the Mandingo from Senegal, Sierra Leone, and Liberia. They later
divided into two groups: the Creoles and the “Bushnegroes” as some called them,
which then further divided into self-governing groups (Wooding, 1979). Wooding
(1979) defines Winti as “an Afroamerican religion which centres round the belief in
personified supernatural beings, who take possession of a human being, eliminate his
consciousness, after which they unfold the past, the present and the future, and are
able to cause and cure diseases of a supernatural origin” (Wooding, 1979, p.35).
The Traditional Healer
In order to become a Winti traditional healer or bonuman, one must meet
some very extensive requirements. The first and most important requirement is to
have a thorough knowledge of the healing tradition, and have experience participating
in rituals as well as being actively involved in the ethnic group’s community (Van
Wetering, 1997). Having personal contact with relatives who have been healers
is also required, and is said to be a guard against malpractice (Van Wetering,
1997). Priority for the role of traditional healer is often given to those who face
disadvantages or hardships, like those who are unable to get a job and/or an education
in Western society. Women are said to have a special role as healers. Women act as
“the guardians of traditional culture” because of their “mediating role in family, kin
group and society” (Van Wetering, 1997, p.248). The maternal instinct makes women
more ideal for the role of healer (Van Wetering, 1997).
Recognizing Ailments
There are several methods used in Winti healing to identify and treat illness.
One method is dreaming. Because followers of Winti believe that dreams represent
real situations in the past, present, and future, dreams are taken very seriously. When
one has an illness, a ghost or a deity may visit him or her during sleep and tell
them why they are sick and what actions they must take to prevent anything from
happening to them. This announcement may also come before the person actually
falls ill (Wooding, 1979). Another method of diagnosing a disease is possession. The
bonuman is possessed by obia, meaning “seer” or “healer god” or deity. The obia is
a servant and a messenger of the higher deities (Wooding, 1979). Sometimes, more
than one deity possesses the healer – one being the diagnostician of the disease and
one being the healer. There are several methods to invoke the deities for possession.
One way is to sprinkle water from a gourd (pour libations) and talk to the deity.
Another method is to don an arm ring called a boei and wait for the deity to come.
The deity’s arrival is recognized by hiccupping noises made by the bonuman, and
when the bonuman is completely possessed, he or she trembles and releases a deep
breath. A third method is to sing songs to the deity and wait for its arrival (Wooding,
1981).
Once the healer is possessed, he or she uses various objects to decipher the
cause of the disease. The boei can be used as an oracle. The bonuman ties the boei to
a string and uses it as a pendulum. The bonuman then asks the deity questions, and
if the answer is affirmative, the pendulum spins clockwise, while if it is negative, it
spins counter-clockwise (Wooding, 1979). A bonuman may also use a small white
bundle of grave dust and herbs tied to a string as a pendulum in the same fashion
60 Imhotep Journal
(Wooding, 1979).
The Power of Herbs
Plants are said to have varying amounts of the divine spiritual power or
srama, which is dealt to it before life. Humans, plants, and animals alike possess
srama (Wooding, 1979). Plants derive their medicinal energy from srama, and some
plants have such high srama that they must be “paid” or made offerings to, before
being taken for use. One who wishes to pick a plant must first talk to it and tell it
why he or she needs is, then pay it with seven copper coins, then take the plant. The
person must continue to talk to the plant as the medicine is prepared and beg it to let
its energy cure the patient (Wooding, 1979). One plant that is particularly powerful is
prati-lobi, which means “divided love.”
Rational Illness
Wooding (1979) divides illnesses into three categories: rational, magical, and
ethereal. Rational illnesses are physical ailments that lack a spiritual cause. Some
examples are ringworm, which is cured with an herb called srabriki-wiwiri. The
leaves are pounded into a sap, then mixed with salt and put on the ringworm several
times a day until it dies (Wooding, 1979). Another ailment, sore-eye, is an infection
of the eyes. It is cured by putting the sap of posren, an herb that grows on decaying
wood, into the eyes (Wooding, 1979). An herbal abortion is also practiced in some
cases. A bitter brew is made with aloes, krapa tree oil, and pineapple boiled with
luangu-tetei, a kind of garlic. The concoction is then taken within the first three
months of conception (Wooding, 1979).
Spiritual Illness
What Wooding (1979) calls magical illnesses are truly spiritual illnesses.
Eurocentric scholars often use the term “magical,” which connotes trickery and
fraudulence. But these spiritual illnesses occur when social norms are violated or
taboos are broken. One spiritual disease is ogri-ai, or the evil-eye, which happens
to the souls of babies and children when an adult looks upon him or her enviously.
Winti Traditional Healing 61
Symptoms include loss of appetite, weakness, and vomiting, eventually leading to
death. The ailment is cured by washing the child with an herb bath with sesame
seeds, corns of Guinea-pepper, seven pieces of chalk, seven pieces of unrefined salt,
the plant sneki-wiwiri (meaning snake plant), indigo, and either one, three, or seven
copper coins. The numbers one, three, and seven are said to have spiritual powers
(Wooding, 1979). The bonuman uses branches of a plant called sisibi-wiwiri as a
brush, and bathes the child with the concoction while saying prayers. If the deities
accept the prayer, the child begins to recover shortly after the bath.
Ethereal Diseases
One kind of ethereal disease is winti-bere, or phantom pregnancy. When
a man uses spiritual energy for his benefit and breaks a taboo, he is punished with
many diseases. When he dies, his descendents inherit the supernatural beings that
he has brought upon himself, one of which being a dwarf that claims the deceased’s
wife as his own. The dwarf then “impregnates” the woman, and her belly grows
(Wooding, 1979). In order to rid the woman of the phantom pregnancy, she must
go through many complicated rites that include repeated herb baths. After a while,
the woman bleeds, which is said to be the “phantom baby,” and her belly returns to
normal and she is cured of the ailment (Wooding, 1979).
Traditional vs. Western Medicine
Winti both harmonizes and conflicts with Western medicine in certain areas.
Western doctors in Suriname have learned to acknowledge that some ailments that
they encounter are curable by western methods of treatment. If a Western doctor is
unable to treat an ailment, sometimes he or she advises the patient to see a traditional
healer (Wooding 1979). In this regard, they accept Winti medicine as a legitimate
practice because it does, indeed, heal its patients. However, the reasoning behind the
healing differs between Western and Winti medicine.
Winti practitioners believe that they are healed because the ailments are often
caused by a spiritual entity, and that plants and herbs carry spiritual healing powers
that must be invoked in order to cure. On the other hand, Some Western doctors
62 Imhotep Journal
also believe that describing an illness as caused by “possession” is epistemologically
irrational (Wooding 1979).
Traditional Healing and the African Personality
The African worldview is very community oriented, and emphasizes ties to
family, ancestors, and the community. Winti healing has a more community-oriented
approach than Western medicine. A major assumption of Winti philosophy is that
all living things share the spiritual and religious force srama, and that all elements
of the universe are united by this force (Wooding 1979). The traditional healer
takes this into account when healing patients. Rather than treating the patient as an
individual person, he links the patient to his or her ancestors, family, or the entire
societal structure (Wooding 1979). This emphasis on interconnectedness binds the
community and strengthens its ties.
Conclusion
The Winti healer uses the powers that lie within every living thing to cure
illnesses. These illnesses can be caused by both spiritual and physical entities. Winti
healing relies heavily on spirituality, and uses spiritually endowed objects to aide
healers in determining the cause of an illness. The community-oriented nature of
the Winti way of life is responsible for its survival through slavery and colonization.
Even though it is practiced by a relatively small group of people, the integrity of its
community bonds will ensure that it is passed on for generations.
Works Cited
Wooding, C. J. (1979). Traditional healing and medicine in Winti: A sociological
interpretation. ISSUE: A quarterly journal of Africanist opinion, 9 (3), 35-
40.
Wooding, C. J. (1981). Evolving culture: A cross-cultural study of Suriname, West
Winti Traditional Healing 63
Africa, and the Caribbean. Washington, D.C: University Press of America.
Van Wetering, I. (1997). Women as Winti healers. In: M. Gijswijt-Hofstra H.
Marland, & H. De Waardt (Eds.), Illness and healing alternatives in
Western Europe. New York, NY: Routledge.
64
__________________________________________________________________
Imhotep Journal, Volume 7, May 2010
Dostları ilə paylaş: |