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a practical basis. English labour had to take note of the serious competition of the
French, the Belgian, and particularly the German workers. At the beginning of the
sixties, the breadbaking industry which was already concentrated into great
enterprises was wholly operated by German workers. In the building, furniture, and
decorative industries there was an influx of Frenchmen. That was why the English
trade unionists valued so much any possible chance of influencing foreign labourers
who were pouring into England. This could best be accomplished through an
organisation which would unite the workers of various nations.
It was decided that the English workers send an appropriate address to the
French workers. Almost three months elapsed, while the draft of this address was
being offered to the London trade unionists for approval. It was written largely by
Odger.
By this time the Polish revolt had been crushed by the Tsar's henchmen with
unheard-of cruelty. The address made almost no mention of it. Here is a small
excerpt:
"A fraternity of peoples is highly necessary for the cause of
labour, for we find that whenever we attempt to better our social
condition by reducing the hours of toil, or by raising the price of
labour, our employers threaten us with bringing over
Frenchmen, Germans, Belgians and others to do our work at a
reduced rate of wages; and we are sorry to say that this has been
done, though not from any desire on the part of our continental
brethren to injure us, but through a want of regular and
systematic communication between the industrial classes of all
countries. Our aim is to bring up the wages of the ill-paid to as
near a level as possible with that of those who are better
remunerated, and not to allow our employers to play us off one
against the other, and so drag us down to the lowest possible
condition, suitable to their avaricious bargaining."
The address was translated into French by Professor Beesly and was sent to
Paris in November, 1863. There it served as material for propaganda in the
workshops. The French answer was very tardy. Paris was then getting ready for the
forthcoming elections to the legislative assembly, later known as the Chamber of
Deputies. A group of workers at the head of whom we again see Tolain and
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Perruchon, raised the exceedingly important question as to whether labour should
nominate its own candidates or whether it should be satisfied to support the radical
candidates. In other words, should labour stand on its own independent platform, or
should it straggle at the tail of the bourgeois parties. This question was hectically
discussed at the end of 1863 and in the beginning of 1864. The workers decided to
work independently, and to nominate Tolain. They resolved to explain this break
with the bourgeois democrats in a special platform, which has since been known as
the Manifesto of the Sixty, because of the number of signatures affixed to the
document.
The theoretical part of this Manifesto, the criticism to which the bourgeois
order was subjected, was in full accord with Proudhon's views. But at the same time
it definitely abandoned the master's political programme by advocating a separate
political party for the workers, and the nomination of labour candidates for political
office to represent the interests of the workers.
Proudhon greeted this Manifesto of the Sixty very warmly. Inspired by it, he
proceeded to write a book which turned out to be the best work he had ever written.
He devoted the last months of his life to it, but he did not live to see it published. The
book was called The Political Capacity of the Working Class. Here for the first time
Proudhon acknowledged the right of the working class to form independent class
organisations. He hailed the new programme of the Paris workers as the best proof of
the vast political potentialities stored away in the depths of the working class.
Despite the fact that Proudhon did not change his stand on the question of strikes
and mutual aid associations, his last book, by its spirit of protest against bourgeois
society and its decidedly proletarian slant, was reminiscent of his excellent first
literary work, What Is Property, This justification of the working class became one of
the favourite books of the French workers. When we are told of the influence of
Proudhonism during the epoch of the First International, we must not forget that it
was the influence of that form of Proudhonism which became crystallised after the
publication of the Manifesto of the Sixty.
Almost a year passed before the workers of Paris composed their reply to the
English address. A special delegation was chosen to take it to London. On September
28, 1861, a meeting to receive the French delegation was held in the famous St.
Martin's Hall. Beesly presided. The hall was crowded. First Odger read the address
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from the English workers. Tolain then read the French reply, a short excerpt of which
follows:
"Industrial progress, the division of labour, freedom of trade -- these
are three factors which should receive our attention today, for they promise to
change the very substance of the economic life of society. Compelled by the
force of circumstances and the demands of the time, capital is concentrating
and organising in mighty financial and industrial combinations. Should we not
take some defensive measure, this force, if not counterbalanced in some way,
will soon be a despotic power. We, the workers of the world, must unite and
erect an insurmountable barrier to the baleful system which would divide
humanity into two classes: a host of - hungry and brutalised people on one
hand, and a clique of fat, overfed mandarins on the other. Let us seek our
salvation through solidarity."
The French workers brought with them even the project for such an
organization. A central commission made up of representatives from various
countries was established in London. Subcommissions which were to be in constant
communication with the central body, and which were to discuss questions proposed
by that body, were created in all the chief cities in Europe. The central commission
was to summarise the results of these discussions. An international congress was to
convene in Belgium, to decide upon the final form of the organisation.
But we might ask where was Marx, what part did he take in all this? No part at
all. We see, then, that all the preparations for the historic event which took place on
September 28, 1864, the day of the beginning of the First International, were the
efforts of the workers themselves. Until now we had no occasion even to mention the
name of Marx in connection with this affair. Still on this august occasion Marx was
among the invited guests on the platform. How did he happen to be there? A little
note found among Marx's miscellaneous papers supplies the answer. It reads:
"Mr. Marx
Dear Sir:
The committee who have organised the meeting as announced in the
enclosed bill respectfully request the favour of your attendance. The
production of this will admit you to the Committee Room where the
Committee will meet at half past 7.
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