Postmodernist Moscow in the Prose of Petrusˇevskaja and Pelevin
9
lying theme of Pelevin’s text is the theme of memory of the Soviet past
that reduced life to the single historical purpose of social improvement
which caused millions of death and widespread human suffering.
By contrast with Pelevin’s Peter inspired by the images of Soviet
history of the 1920s, Tatarskij is a product of late Soviet and post-Soviet
reality. To escape reality he uses different ‘stimulators’ like LSD, bad
heroin, mushrooms and a Ouija board. Both Peter and Tatarskij challenge
basic assumptions of post-Soviet readers with respect to the usable past
and historical truth. Pelevin’s playful portrayal of Pustota and Cµapaev
might be seen as an attempt to present modernism as a culture in crisis:
Pelevin exposes its utopian character related to the vision of arts as a
means of social engineering. Avant-garde values were meant to replace
the discredited and anaemic forms of expression and artistic goals. Tatar-
skij’s first name Vavilen evokes Vladimir Il’icˇ Lenin and the city Babylon,
interweaving the narrative with dystopian overtones. His name resembles
a brand name of commercials he creates. Tatarskij stands out as a comic
character who lost his authentic self: he looks ridiculous with his note-
book for recording ideas for commercials. His slogan, suggesting the Christ
the Saviour is a lords’ Lord, parodies descriptions of computer games and
post-Soviet commercials. Pelevin seeks to draw attention to the conven-
tions and clichés embedded in his narratives, highlighting thereby the
self-critical nature of his writing.
Some points of distortion of the sacred notion of Moscow as the Third
Rome found in the fiction of Pelevin and Petrusˇevskaja relate to the post-
modernist desire to subvert the grand narrative that has been shaping
Russian imperial imagination. Richard Pipes defines the Muscovite ideo-
logy of royal absolutism as comprising four main aspects: the idea of Mos-
cow as the Third Rome; “the imperial idea”, connecting the rulers of Mos-
cow to the imperial line of the Roman Emperor Augustus; the represen-
tation of Russian monarchs as universal sovereigns; and the ideology that
Muscovite sovereigns received their authority from God (Pipes in Baehr
1991, 18). While Constantinople had been regarded as the successor of
Rome, Moscow saw itself as the successor of Constantinople and as the
final centre of Orthodox Christendom. Boris Uspenskij points out that the
notion of ‘translatio imperii’ took on an eschatological significance which it
initially lacked (Uspenskij in Boele 1996, 19). Russians began to see them-
selves as God’s chosen people because they defeated Islam and could bring
spiritual light from the East that would lead to the salvation of mankind.
Gradually, however, Moscow as sacred place and paradise on earth was
replaced with the new europeanised identity, evident with the foun-
dation of St. Petersburg in the beginning of the eighteenth century. Giv-
en Luzˇkov’s post-Soviet campaign of monumental reconstruction of the
10
Alexandra Smith
Russian capital culminated in Moscow’s 850
th
anniversary celebration just
as Stalin’s did 50 years before celebration of the 800
th
, it is possible to see
that the cliché related to the perception of Moscow as Third Rome has
been revived in post-Soviet times as part of the commodification of Rus-
sian culture and as an attempt to promote patriotism in the vein of Stalin’s
cultural policies. Taking into account that Stalin established the tradition
of anniversary celebrations and determined Moscow’s birth date from the
city’s first mention in the Russian 1147 chronicles (that state that during
Jurij Dolgorukij’s reign a large fortress was built in Moscow), we could see
that Luzˇkov’s lavish celebrations of Moscow’s 850
th
anniversary in 1997
might have reinforced the understanding of Pelevin and Petrusˇevskaja of
contemporary Russian culture as part of the world of consumer consump-
tion that evokes a sense of nostalgia (Boym 2001, 118).
Thus, for example, Gregorij Revzin suggests that in the 1990s the
Moscow Kremlin became the main model for architects. Revzin notes the
abundance of symbols of statehood in many contemporary buildings in
Moscow that feature toy-like towers (Revzin 1997). By contrast, Vladimir
Paperny says that Russian contemporary architecture appears too unpro-
fessional because of the disruption of the modernist tradition in Russia.
According to Paperny, post-Soviet cities “look like a text written on a
typewriter with a few missing characters” (Paperny 1999). Like post-
Soviet architects, Petrusˇevskaja and Pelevin use Moscow landscapes ex-
tensively in their work to comic effect, rejecting the language of moder-
nist universalist aspirations. To this end, it is not surprising to see Pelevin’s
protagonist Vera Pavlovna feel liberated and happy to see Moscow vanish
for good. In Pelevin’s story “The Ninth Dream of Vera Pavlovna”, dis-
cussed in more detail below, Moscow disappears in Vera’s dream, swept
away by a flood of dung: “Vera looked around one more time. She was
amazed that a huge city standing there for many centuries has disap-
peared into the abyss with such ease. […] When she woke up, the world
appeared to be consisting of two parts: a twilight sky and a limitless even
surface, which turned black in the dark” (Pelevin 1991, 154). At her
awakening hour Vera Pavlovna also thought of Atlantis. The logic of the
story refers to Moscow history as if it was already in the mythical past.
Pelevin’s gesture of mythologisation of history undoubtedly comes from
his desire both to canonise and destroy the Russian modernist tradition,
which serves as an important cornerstone for his invention. Pelevin’s story
does not give any account of Vera Pavlovna’s responses to the historical
changes she witnesses, suggesting thereby that as a representative of the
masses she resists meaningful activity imposed upon her by social élites.
One modernist project that Pelevin explores in his writings is related to
the Eurasianist ideology developed in various literary texts penned by