Socialized Choices - Labour Market Behaviour of Dutch Mothers
18
situations as real, and such a definition has consequences for their behaviour.
Human activity cannot be understood without paying attention to the subjective
meanings of the definitions that people apply to their own situations (Thomas’
theorem in Wallace and Wolf, 2006, p.202). Phenomenological sociologists
question these subjective meanings, which are perceived by members of society
as so real as to be taken-for-granted, by making them explicit and understanding
them as
social constructs instead. Furthermore, phenomenological sociologists
contend that people’s perceptions of reality depend on a prior micro-level
socialization process, wherein people have internalized
the social expectations of
significant others in their surroundings (Berger and Luckmann, 1967; Bandura,
1977). This study mainly explores how diverse socialization processes have
influenced and structured the values and attitudes of mothers, both in terms of
gender and of employment. The theoretical argument here is that a mother’s
socialized (or internalized) values and attitudes colour her perception of what is
normal, what is possible, and what she believes others expect her to do. All of
these ‘social’ perceptions result in an individual work preference and
subsequently influence labour market behaviour.
The political relevance of this study is apparent in current Dutch Government
targets to stimulate labour market participation among women in all sectors of the
Dutch labour market (Budget Ministry of Education, Culture and Science 2013,
art. 25, p.27). The political goal is aimed especially at
stimulating cultural change
among women, in order to increase their interest in achieving economic
independence. Since 2009 the number of Dutch women considered to be
economically independent has been 52 per cent
3
, compared to 74 per cent of men
(Merens, Hartgers and Van den Brakel, 2012).
4
Moreover, included among the
current policy targets of the government are the following: better integration of
younger women in traditionally male occupations and education (i.e. technical
and IT courses) in order to make the labour market less gender segregated
5
;
enhanced vertical mobility of women so as to increase their number in senior
management positions; and thirdly, to bridge the
remuneration gap between men
and women (Budget Ministry of Education, Culture and Science, 2012, 2013,
Coalition Agreement 2012; Merens et al., 2012). In light of these policies, it is
useful to understand the grounds upon which women actually base their
employment decisions.
3
Defined as having a net monthly income of more than 900 euros.
4
Recent research shows that Dutch women who are not economically independent are often not
aware of the financial risks of their situation. They feel independent with their small salary, and
are not concerned with the possibility that their partner's income might decrease or fall out through
divorce, illness or unemployment (De Hoog and Van Egten, 2012, p.69).
5
Women are overrepresented
in the health care, educational and cultural sectors, and
underrepresented in all other sectors. In the healthcare sector 80 per cent of employees are women,
and in education and culture 60 per cent of employees are women. In all other sectors, women
have less employment representation, especially in industry and construction where only 17 per
cent are women. (Merens et al., 2012, p.57). In non-profit sectors women account for two thirds of
the employees, and in the private sector for one third.
Introduction
19
The narrative of choice
is characteristic of the current public discourse on
female employment behaviour (Beagan, Chapman, D’Sylva
and Basset, 2008,
p.666)
. Concepts such as individualism and the possibility of self-agency
6
have
created the expectation that people are able to make their own decisions, and so
are appropriately responsible for their own choices (Everingham, Stevenson, and
Warner-Smith, 2007). Since employment equality has formally been achieved, by
way of the provision of childcare facilities and family-friendly policies, together
with processes of secularisation, individualisation and the greater acceptance of
non-familial roles for women and more familial roles for men (Sullivan, 2004),
women believe that they have equal employment opportunities to men, and are
free to do what they want. Now more than ever, the
decisions of how many hours
one works are perceived as being based upon personal inclinations towards
family and work, rather than the effects of institutional and moral influences
(McDonald, Bradley and Guthrie, 2006, p.472).
The modern perception of oneself and one’s identity as something involving
choices and decisions stems from the loss of tradition in current society. “
The
loss of tradition means that people have to decide on their lifestyle, their
relationships with people, and the sort of people they are going to be” (in
Wallace and Wolf, 2006, p.190-191). This line of reasoning has become
especially incorporated within public debate. In the contemporary discussion,
people often assume female employment to be a private issue and a matter of free
choice. This is exemplified by the following quote: “
Whether women work or not
is a private choice that no one hundred governments can enforce. Women are
perfectly capable themselves to make these choices about care and work.”
7
In this study it is argued that the perception of women’s labour market
activities as based on ‘free choices’ tends to neglect not only the interaction of
their activities within structural surroundings
8
, but also the way that actions are
entrenched within normative cultural beliefs about ‘the proper thing to do’ at
different (micro-, meso- and macro-) societal levels and the extent to which these
factors can influence women’s employment aspirations (Ridgeway and Correl,
2004). In line with Komter (1990b), it is argued that through the conviction of
‘free choice’, the inner obligation and moral standard of being a good housewife,
mother and wife has become ‘invisible’. Or as Beagan et al. (2008) describe it,
societal gender expectations have gone underground. “
Experiencing constraints
of women such as longer work hours, a double burden of paid and unpaid work,
and unstable childcare are seen as individual obstacles that have nothing to do
with gender” (Beagan et al., 2008, p.666)
. Phrased differently, the rhetoric of free
choice creates the idea that people’s decisions have been cut free from social
6
Self-agency can be defined as the feeling of an individual to be able to cause one's own actions and
their outcome (Aarts et al., 2009).
7
“SGP verwart keuzevrijheid vrouwen met uitholling Nederlands welzijn”, Sandra Schoppers,
zaterdag 10 november 2007, de Volkskrant.
8
Such
as social policies and laws, occupational structures, and the system and conjuncture of labour
market.