and interactions.
13
Independent thought is also neutered through software
programs that dominate website and telephone communications. As one study
of these developments concludes, ‘the net effect on the intellectual content’ of
information economy activities ‘is surely negative’ (ibid.: 25).
From a Marxist perspective, these developments are perfectly rational—capital,
after all, is compelled to seek profits (through the realization of surplus
values) by using machines (including ICTs) to manage the division of labour
in all facets of the production process. This, historically, has implied the
elaboration of hierarchical tendencies, involving the development of all kinds
of specializations. While this process is cyclical, in that the early stages of an
industry may entail a period of relative autonomy and creativity for skilled
and creative workers, the competitive and systemic dynamics driving market
economies repeatedly compel corporations to systematize and codify these
labour inputs (Huws and Dahlmann, 2009).
14
Over the longue durée, therefore,
ICTs extend existing divisions between those
who conceptualize and those
who execute (Braverman, 1974; Huws, 2003; Ramioul, 2007).
15
This pattern is well underway in the computer software industry where Taylorist
principles have been applied in the production of code as component tasks are
divided among teams of programmers. Not only is this taking place in private
companies such as Microsoft, but fragments of open-source software are being
developed by disparately located individuals. One of the best known examples
of the latter is Linux.
With Linux software, the transparency of its underlying code enables a vast
pool of mostly unpaid workers to assess, improve and evolve it. Their suggested
revisions are sent to an assembly node where control is exercised over what (if
anything) is modified. For logistical and economic reasons, one individual and
his colleagues monitor this complex division of labour—Linus Torvalds and the
Linux Mark Institute. According to Chopra and Dexter, in the case of Linux,
…the disciplining of labour power is an intricate affair—a delicate
mix of cooperation and cooptation. Open source shows such a
mixture in its co-optation of the utopian spirit of a free software
model, as workers have already bought into the ideology of
open source or free software production…While the education
and flexibility of open source programmers make it harder for
capitalists to control the labour force, control does exist. (Chopra
and Dexter, 2005: 10)
Digital prosumption and alienation ………………………………………………………… Edward Comor
http://openfile.org.uk/archive/gil-leung-things-are-circulating/
11/18
Yet the source code or ‘kernel’ of Linux is available to anyone with a copying
device. There are no legal restrictions blocking individuals from selling it to
others (although this is an unlikely event since it is freely available). Interests
can, however, profit from Linux by building and selling services stemming
from it (e.g. Redhat). However, because Torvalds formally owns the original
code/kernel, new service vendors generally are compelled to cooperate with
him in ways that retain and enhance his dominant position.
16
Through such examples
17
and, more importantly, in keeping with the
historical dynamics outlined in this paper, we arrive at the following
conclusion: prosumption, as an increasingly important component of the
capitalist production process, employs workers/consumers as mostly unpaid
but, in some cases, creative tools. This fact demonstrates why questions
concerning prosumption’s implications for alienation are complex; clearly,
both product- and process-alienation are commonplace but the precise
nature of the prosumer’s labour varies to such a degree that prosumption,
as an exploitative relationship, can also fulfill the essential drive to create.
The implications of prosumption
Because, at first blush, the prosumer appears to be aware and in control of
her productive and consumptive activities, she appears to be a prospectively
transcendent figure. The seemingly free and autonomous prosumer has
not, however, forsaken predominant structures and relations, for how
could she if private property and contract relations remain entrenched
institutions, both online and off? Moreover, the prosumer’s dependency
on the corporations that own, design and run the essential infrastructures
through which people work and consume leaves little room for genuinely
autonomous development. For the overwhelming majority—even those
who possess the knowledge to write code and create software—the layers
of complex expertise required to re-structure (let alone re-build) the
means through which digital prosumption is practiced are (almost) beyond
comprehension.
18
Like the owner whose capital facilitates an ersatz humanity, we might
speculate that the prosumer—often ambiguously located in terms of her
class position—also may use technology to (paradoxically) distance herself
from her essence. For others, probably the minority who have the financial
and intellectual means to pursue their creative potentials, some forms of
prosumption may be as liberating as Toffler anticipated. For these fortunate
individuals digital technologies could help them transcend the status of most:
Digital prosumption and alienation ………………………………………………………… Edward Comor
http://openfile.org.uk/archive/gil-leung-things-are-circulating/
12/18