Quick overview of the Subject Cycle in general and in French As a result of the new subject agreement, object clitics (and negatives) make the structure opaque. Typical object cycles ‘Conflict’ in French between Subject and Object Cycles and this can be regarded as an accelerated cycle.
demonstrative > third person pronoun > clitic > agreement demonstrative > third person pronoun > clitic > agreement B. phrase/noun/oblique pronoun > first/second pron > clitic > agreement "agreement and pronominalization ... Are fundamentally one and the same phenomenon“ (Givón 1978: 151).
The Basque verbal prefixes n-, g-, h-, z- correspond to the personal pronouns ni ‘I’, gu ‘we’, hi ‘you’ and zu ‘you.’ (de Rijk 2008: 111; 120) The Basque verbal prefixes n-, g-, h-, z- correspond to the personal pronouns ni ‘I’, gu ‘we’, hi ‘you’ and zu ‘you.’ (de Rijk 2008: 111; 120) As early as the 19th century, Proto Indo-European verbal endings -mi, si, -ti are considered to arise from pronouns (e.g. Bopp 1816). Hale (1973: 340): in Pama-Nyungan inflectional markers are derived from independent pronouns: “the source of pronominal clitics in Walbiri is in fact independent pronouns”. Haugen (2004: 319): Nahuatl agreement markers derive from pronouns.
Tunica prefixes: Tunica prefixes: Ɂi- [1S], wi-[2SM], hi-/ he-[2SF], Ɂu- [3SM], ti- [3SF] pronouns: Ɂima, ma', hɛ'ma, Ɂu'wi, ti'hči (Haas 1946: 346-7) (1) ‘úwa > ‘úwa > -‘ú Ute demonstrative pronoun article/agreement invis-animate (Givón 2011) (2) Shi diné bizaad yíní-sh-ta' Navajo I Navajo language 3-1-study ‘As for me, I am studying Navajo.’
Japanese, Mauwake, Urdu/Hindi: full pronoun Japanese, Mauwake, Urdu/Hindi: full pronoun (1) watashi-wa kuruma-o unten-suru kara. 1S-TOP car-ACC drive-NONPST PRT ‘I will drive the car'. (Yoko Matsuzaki p.c.) (2) Ni fain=ke ekap-eka! 2P this-CFoc come-IMP.2P `You here, come!’ (Berghäll 2010: 81) (3) ham log `we people‘ (4) mẽy or merii behn doonõ dilii mẽy rehtee hẽ I and my sister both Delhi in living are
(1) Se je meïsme ne li di Old French (1) Se je meïsme ne li di Old French If I myself not him tell `If I don’t tell him myself.’ (Franzén 1939:20, Cligès 993) (2) Renars respond: “Jou, je n’irai” ‘R answers “Me, I won’t go”.’ (Coronnement Renart, A. Foulet (ed.) 1929: 598, from Roberts 1993: 112)
Foulet (1961: 330): all personal pronouns can be separated from the verb in Old French. Foulet (1961: 330): all personal pronouns can be separated from the verb in Old French. Compare Modern French: (3)a. *Je heureusement ai vu ça I probably have seen that `I’ve probably seen that.’ b. Kurt, heureusement, a fait beaucoup d'autres choses. `Fortunately, Kurt did many other things’ (google search of French websites)
(4) Où vas-tu Standard French (4) Où vas-tu Standard French where go-2S (5) tu vas où Colloquial French 2S go where ‘Where are you going?‘ (6) nta tu vas travailler Arabic-French you you go work ‘You go to work.’ (from Bentahila and Davies 1983: 313)
TP TP T’ T VP DP V’ a D b V DP
(7)a. je ne l‘ai pas encore démontré (7)a. je ne l‘ai pas encore démontré > b. j‘ai pas encore démontré ça ‘I haven't yet proven that.’ (8) J’y travaille > Je travaille là 1S.there work I work there (9) L'agressivité, j'y travaille > travaille à ça Aggression, 1S.on.it work > work on that (10) Je lui parle > je parle à lui I him talk > I talk to him
Documented by Lambrecht & Lemoine 1996, Larjavaara 2000, Noailly 1997 for L1 adult French: Documented by Lambrecht & Lemoine 1996, Larjavaara 2000, Noailly 1997 for L1 adult French: (11) Je l’ai trouvé hier > J’ai trouvé hier. and L1 acquisition by Jakubovicz et al 1997 and Grüter 2006a and L2 by Grüter 2006b.
Are arguments harder (12) Il y pense > Il pense à notre voyage/ça. (13) Je lui parle > Je parle à lui. than adverbials? (14) J’y travaille > je travaille là (15) J’y en parle > ... Is there an animacy effect?
This goes against the object cycle, e.g. a fictitious but typical one: This goes against the object cycle, e.g. a fictitious but typical one: (1) I saw yesterday her (and him). (2) I saw 'r (*and him). (3) I saw('r) HER. (4) a. to-ra did-am Persian 2S-OM saw-1S b. did-am-et saw-1S-2S c. *to-ra didam-et 2S-OM saw-1S-2S ‘I saw you.’ (Lazard 1957: 103).
The Subject Cycle is pretty advanced. The Subject Cycle is pretty advanced. Pre-theoretically, this means that the object clitic doesn’t fit. Hard to deal with this formally.In Sportiche 1996, each clitic has a voice projection above the vP to the Spec of which the argument DP moves (at some point). One could think about this as economy: ‘too many’ features represented on the clitic complex.
Not sure why French just renews the pronouns whereas German has interesting reversals of subject and object clitics. Weiß (2014) looks at cases where this reversal does occur: - Not sure why French just renews the pronouns whereas German has interesting reversals of subject and object clitics. Weiß (2014) looks at cases where this reversal does occur:
O hon desche geholfe? and have 2S.3P helped - `And have they helped you?’
- (East Hessian)
Old English > Middle English Old English > Middle English Null-subject h-pronoun h-pronoun Demonstrative Internal change External se --> the seo --> she him/her --> himself/herself ... --> they
-Gelderen, Elly van 2011. The Linguistic Cycle. OUP. -Gelderen, Elly van 2011. The Linguistic Cycle. OUP. -Grüter, Therese 2006a. Object clitics and null objects in the acquisition of French. McGill PhD. - Grüter 2006b. Object (Clitic) Omission in L2 French, GASLA Proceedings, ed. Mary Grantham O’Brien, Christine Shea, and John Archibald, 63-71. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla. -Jakubowicz, Celia, Natascha Müller, Beate Riemer, Catherine Rigaut (1997). The case of subject and object omissions in French and German. Proceedings of the 21st BUCLD, 331-342. Somerville: Cascadilla.
-Lambrecht, Knud & K. Lemoine 1996. Vers une grammaire des compléments zéro en francais parlé. In Chuquet & Fryd (eds) ... -Lambrecht, Knud & K. Lemoine 1996. Vers une grammaire des compléments zéro en francais parlé. In Chuquet & Fryd (eds) ... -Larjavaara, Meri 2000. Présence ou absence de l’object. http://ethesis.helsinki.fi/julkaisut/hum/romaa/vk/larjavaara/presence.pdf -Noailly, M. 1997. Les mystères de la transitivité invisible. Languages 127: 96-109. -Rijk, Rudolf de 2008. Standard Basque. MIT Press. -Sportiche, Dominique 1996. Clitic Constructions, In Phrase structure and the lexicon, 213-276, edited by Johan Rooryck and Laurie Zaring. -Weiß, Helmut to appear. When subjects follow the objects.
For (9) http://www.leparisien.fr/psg-foot-paris-saint-germain/pastore-l-agressivite-j-y-travaille-03-11-2012-2288663.php For (9) http://www.leparisien.fr/psg-foot-paris-saint-germain/pastore-l-agressivite-j-y-travaille-03-11-2012-2288663.php
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