Reflection of Koguryo Heritage in the Mythical Legends from Koryosa sege



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Reflection of Koguryo Heritage in the Mythical Legends from Koryosa sege

(高麗史 世系 設話에 나타난 高句麗 遺産)
Hong-key Yoon

School of Geography and Environmental Science, University of Auckland University



E-mail: hk.yoon@auckland.ac.nz

Abstract:
Koryosa Segye (The Genealogy of Wang Kon, the founder of Koryo, in the History of the Koryo dynasty) includes stories relating to the ancestors of Wang Kon. These stories are quotes from the Abridged Chronological History (Pyonnyon tongnok) by Kim Kwan’ui during King Uijong’s reign (1146-1170) that is no longer extant.
The folklorised version of Wang Kon’s genealogy included in Koryosa Segye is a key source in appreciating the promotion of Wang Kon as the legitimate ruler, having the most honourable family heritage and a heavenly mandate to unify Korea and to establish a new dynasty. The genealogical tales strongly imply that Wang Kon’s family is from the Koguryo people. These Koguryo elements are more clearly reflected in the stories of Hogyong and Chakchegon. As the name, Koryo is the abridged name of Koguryo, Wang Kon wished to be the successor of Koguryo. It is highly likely, according to the tales, that Wang Kon is a descendant of the Koguryo People.

1. Introduction
Koryosa Segye (the Genealogy of Wang Kon, the founder of Koryo in the History of the Koryo dynasty) includes stories relating to Kaesong and the ancestors of Wang Kon. From these mythical legends, one can detect that the ancestors of Wang Kon’s cultural heritage and genealogical line are derived from Koguryo. These stories are quotes from the Abridged Chronological History (Pyonnyon tongnok編年通錄) by Kim Kwan’ui during King Uijong(1146-1170) that now does not extant.1 It was written some 260 years after Wang Kon, the first king of Koryo. However, we should not assume that these stories were created by him, for his book merely indicates a terminus antiquem ‘the time before which concrete evidence exists’ of these tales. It is difficult to accurately date the exact occurrence of orally transmitted folklore materials. The concrete evidence of a tale’s existence is often a written record. In the case of the stories of Wang Kon’s ancestors, Kim Kwanui’s book is the terminus antiquem, for it provides concrete evidence of the existence of these tales by the time of his recording. By considering these characteristics of folklore, I share Na Kyongsu’s view that these folklorised stories of Wang Kon’s ancestors must have existed before Kim Kwanui, and the stories in his book may well represent edited and collated versions of tales that were retold by different people through the generations.2 The folklorised version of Wang Kon’s genealogy in Koryosa segye is the result of turning Wang Kon’s family history into myths and legends. Kim Kwan’ui’s work was the main source of Koryosa in this regard, while some quotations from the Classified Chronological History (Pyonnyon gangmok) by Min Ji (1248-1326) became a complimentary and auxiliary reference. While exploring the stories of Kaesong and Wang Kon’s ancestors, the authors of Koryosa sometimes cited a different version of Min Ji’s work to compare and contrast Kim Kwan’ui’s story, thus adding a new perspective and extra information.
Among the studies of these tales, Yi Pyongdo’s study is probably the most important, as it inquired how geomancy was used for the social construction of the images of Kaesong and the Wang family.3 Yi Pyongdo interpreted the Koryosa Segye tales as having little value as reliable historical records. Murayama Chijun’s work on this topic is extensive and perceptive, but is focused on interpreting the importance of geomantic values as folk belief in Korea.4

Two other recent studies on the tales by Choi Pyong-hon and Kim Ki-duk are both based on Yi Pyongdo’s work.5 Choi examined the ideological background for founding the Koryo dynasty, while Kim examined the geomantic values in the tales. Two other works by Na Kyongsu and You In Soo study these tales as oral literature and examine their literary style and structure.6

In 1982 Michael C. Rogers published substantial research on the quoted parts of the Abridged Chronological History (Pyonnyon tongnok) by Kim Kwanui in Koryosa segye. In this article, he accepted that the prime purpose of the narratives by Kim Kwanui was “the glorification, indeed the sacralisation, of the dynastic line”.7 He presented an unorthodox view that the folklorised genealogy of Wang Kon was written by Kim Kwanui by selectively drawing material transmitted from the time of Wang Kon.
The folklorised version of Wang Kon’s genealogy seemed to have implicitly emphasised Koguryo heritage in promoting Wang Kon as the legitimate ruler of Korea as he unified the country. The aim of this paper is to identify and analyse the signs of Koguryo heritage as reflected in the stories about the ancestors of Wang Kon in Koryosa Segye. Before analysing the folklorised Wang Kon’s genealogy, I will introduce the relevant stories that can reflect Koguryo heritage from the Koryosa Segye in an abridged translation. They are the mythical legend of Wang Kon’s first ancestor in Kaesong, Hogyong, and stories of Wang Kon’s grand father, Chakchegon.
1. The main points of the narratives as related to Hogyong and Chakchegon in Koryosa Segye
a) Hogyong, Wang Kon’s first ancestor settled in Kaesong

Once upon a time a person named Hogyong (虎景: Tiger Scenery) called himself Songgol changgun (聖骨將軍: Hallowed-bone General, highest bone rank of Silla). He travelled from Mt Paektu through various mountains in Korea and arrived at the left valley of Mt Puso (another name for Mt Songak) where he settled and married a local woman.


He was rich and often went hunting, but had no sons. One day, he went hunting on Mt Pyongna with nine other villagers and happened to stay overnight in a cave. A tiger appeared in front of the cave and roared ferociously. The ten men were all scared that the tiger would devour them. They decided to throw their hats in front of the tiger and whoever’s hat was bitten first had to confront it. Once they had thrown out their hats, the tiger bit Hogyong’s hat and he went out to fight it. However, once he got out of the cave, the tiger had disappeared and the cave collapsed killing all nine villagers. At the funeral of the nine victims he prepared sacrificial offerings to the mountain guardian spirit. Then the mountain spirit, who identified herself as a widow, appeared to him and told him that she wanted him to be her husband. She consecrated him as the king of the mountain. No sooner had she spoken the words when both Hogyong and the mountain spirit disappeared. After this instance Pyongna County folks worshiped him as the king of the mountain and made a shrine for him.
Chakchegon, -The grandfather of Wang Kon, the first king of the Koryo dynasty

Chakchegon boarded a merchant ship bound for China at the age of 16 to meet his father. Due to bad weather, he was left on the bank where the dragon king of the West Sea lived. The dragon king asked Chakchegon to kill a wicked fox which had been the cause of a severe headache.


Chakchegon killed the disguised fox with a bow and arrow and the dragon king granted him a wish as a reward. Chakchegon told him that he wanted to become the king of Korea. The dragon king told him that he was not yet qualified to be so and asked him to wish for something else. Chakchegon told him that he wanted to marry his daughter. The Dragon King agreed and as a wedding gift gave seven treasures and a sacred pig to Chakchegon. When the newly wed couple arrived home, people from the four districts of Kaeju, Chongju, Yomchu and Paekju, as well as the three counties of Kanghwa, Kyodong and Haum, built Yongansong Palace and a defensive wall around it for them.
When the dragon lady (龍女), Chakchegon’s wife, arrived at Kaesong, she dug a well at the north-eastern slope of the mountain and collected water from it with a silver container. This place has now become the Great Well of Kaesong. One day, after they had lived at Yong’ansong for a year, the pig refused to get into its pigsty. The owner told the pig that if this was not a suitable place to live, he would follow it to a better place. The next morning the pig went to a site on the southern slope of Mt Song’ak. Because of this, Chakchegon and his wife moved to the site and built a new house there. This happened to be the place where Kangchung used to live. Chakchegon lived there for 30 years, commuting between his new home and Yongansong.

3. Tracing Koguryo heritage in Koryosa Segye

I will now analyse and interpret some Koguryo heritage as reflected in Koryosa Saegye, the folklorised stories of Wong Kon’s ancestors. As early as 1947 Yi Pyongdo perceptively interpreted the Koryosa segye tales and declared that they were seen to mystify Song’ak (Kaesong) as the origin of the Wang family and to glorify Wang Kon as having a heavenly mandate to unify Korea and establish the Koryo dynasty8 It is interesting that in such stories, Koguryo heritage is detectable. Perhaps the story of Chakchegon’s shifting houses to an auspicious site using a pig as a divining guidance reflects the most obvious Koguryo heritage. The mythical legend of Wang Kon’s first ancestor, Hogyong also possibly reflect the fact that he was a descendant of Koguryo people. I will discuss the story of Chakchegon before that of Hogyong:


a) Chakchegon

Chakchegon was born and lived in Mahagap, but moved back to Kangchung’s old house site in Kaesong, the future capital site. His action implied that Kaesong was a more auspicious site than Mahagap or Yongansong castle. With the mysterious guidance of the ‘golden pig’, he returned to and reoccupied the most auspicious spot (geomancy cave) chosen by his grandfather.


This story shares the same type of tale motive as the earlier story of Koguryo’s moving the capital to Kungnaesong from Cholbonsong.9 The story of finding and moving Koguryo’s capital to Kungnaesong during the second king of Koguryo, King Yuri is recorded in Samkuksagi (History of the Three Kingdoms) as follows: 10

On the Third Moon of the 21st year of the reign of King Yuri (2A.D.), the pig chosen for sacrificial rites escaped and ran away. The king ordered Solji, the officer in charge of sacrificial rites to chase it. He chased it and caught it at Kungnaewinaam and arranged a local resident to look after it. Then, Solji reported back to the king; “When I chased the pig to Kungnaewinaam, I found that the place was both well protected by mountain barriers and suitable for growing crops. It was also rich in game animals and fish. If you move the capital to this place, it will be advantageous for the people’s economic wellbeing as well as defence from the enemy.” During the 9th Moon of the same year, the king went to Kungnae to have a look at the place and in the 10th Moon of the following year (3A.D.), the king relocated the capital to this site.


The story of Chakchegon finding an auspicious site on the southern slopes of Mt Song’ak is remarkably similar to the Koguryo story of Solji finding a new capital site. Chakchegon’s ‘golden pig’ story seems to be a rearranged story of Solji’s in a different context; in both cases the sacred pigs run way and are caught at the auspicious site which is to be the new capital. The finding of an auspicious site by animals is an important theme in Korean geomancy tales. There are a number of Korean legends and folktales in which tigers and other animals point out geomantically auspicious sites for good people. However, except for the Koguryo and Koryo dynasties, no Korean dynasties or kingdoms ever had stories of using a sacred pig (or any other animal) to find an auspicious capital site. As far as I know no Manchurian or Chinese dynasties have a similar story of using a pig for finding and shifting to an auspicious capital site. For this reason, one can conjecture that Chakchegon’s move to an auspicious site is an indication of the transmission of the Koguryo tradition to Koryo.
Now I would like to consider why a sacred pig rather than, for example, a tiger or human being finds an auspicious capital site in the Koguryo and Koryo legends? What does a pig symbolise in Korean culture? Although these questions can not be fully addressed here, one can quickly point out the well known fact that a pig symbolises ‘good luck’ or ‘wealth and prosperity’ in Korean culture. Many Koreans still believe that dreaming of a pig on New Year’s Eve is a good omen for the New Year.11 Perhaps, to a Korean, finding the lost or escaped pig was a sign of good luck and the location where it was found, a lucky place. Using an animal to find a geomantically auspicious site can be seen as a result of the merge of traditional Korean symbolism and geomantic ideas
On this issue, Choi Pyonghon drew our attention to the Chinese historical source, the Tung’i section of ‘the Book of Wei’ in the (Chinese) History of the Three Kingdoms (Sankuoji). The book recorded that the Upru people who are related to ancient Koreans favoured rearing pigs and used pig meat for food, pig skin for cloth and pig fat for protecting them from cold by applying it on their skin.12 He then conjectured that the belief in pigs as good finders of auspicious places might have been widely spread among the ancient Puyo people who were later incorporated into Koguryo.13 Although Choi Pyonghon did not declare that this story reflects the Koguryo heritage, he suggested that it is interesting that the tale motive of ‘pigs as finders of auspicious sites’ was repeated in the story of Wang Kon’s ancestors who inherited the traditions of Koguryo.14 His conjecture is reasonable, although it is yet unknown whether such belief was widely spread among the ancient Korean peoples. For further research on this issue, the analysis of Korean geomancy tales could provide some insight, for Korean folk narratives have a number of legends and folktales about animals finding auspicious sites for good people.
With the story of Chakchegon moving to the southern slopes of Mt Song’ak by rediscovering and reoccupying his ancestor’s old house site, the legend may intend to exercise an important process of social construction of the Kaesong Palace site being reconfirmed as the most auspicious location in Kaesong.
a) The Mythical Legend relating to Hogyong.

The Story of Wang Kon’s ancestors in Koryosa Segye begins with Hogyong, his first ancestor who settled in Kaesong. According to the story, Hogyong travelled from Mt Paektu through different parts of Korea and eventually arrived at the Kaesong District. Mt Paektu is the most sacred and highest mountain in Korea where it is considered to be the patriarch of all Korean mountains. So to speak, it is the source of vital energy which flows out to the various parts of Korea. Therefore, this part of the story implies that Kaesong’s main mountain, Mt Songak is a part of the mountain range that is dispatched from Mt Paektu in the northern end of the Korean Peninsula. Hogyong (literally meaning ‘Tiger Scenery’), who travelled a long way from this patriarchal mountain, is effectively described as an immigrant from the north, Mt Paektu District. This might imply that he was a descendant of the Koguryo People. Wang Kon cherished Koguryo heritage, as evident in the name of the kingdom he founded, “Koryo”, which is an abridgement of Koguryo. He was claiming that Koryo, his new kingdom was the successor of Koguryo. 15 The recovery of the old Koguryo territory had always been an important national policy of Koryo.


The fact that Hogyong married a local woman in the story may signify the marriage between the northern immigrants and the local inhabitants. In the story Hogyong became the mountain king (god) with divine power. This story may be intended to describe Wang Kon’s family as having supernatural power, perhaps implying that they were destined to be the royal family of Korea. The son of Hogyong, Kangchung married the daughter of a rich man. This story signifies the elevation of the Wang family’s socio-economic status as the leading local gentry. At the same time one can interpret this story as the successful settlement of a Koguryo descendant in the Kaesong District after migrating to the south.
In the story, Hogyong liked hunting and often went hunting. He is implicitly described as a brave man. When Hogyong went hunting and stayed overnight with nine villagers in a cave, he was the only one who confronted a tiger that challenged the whole group. From the story one can interpret that for his courage in confronting the tiger by himself he was rescued from the cave before its mysterious collapse, while the others were left to perish in it. We can conjecture that Hogyong was a physically well built and strong man. Perhaps he went tiger hunting. Tiger hunting or hunting in general was an important aspect of Koguryo lifestyle as shown in Koguryo tomb paintings, whereas Paekje and Silla people depended more on agriculture during the three kingdoms period. Therefore, we can conjecture that the story of Hogyong, especially his migration to the south from Mt Paektu, his hunting life style, the inferred strong physical stature and courage all indicate that he was a person who inherited Koguryo heritage both physically, spiritually and culturally.
Judging from the story of Hogyong and his descendants, one can conjecture that Wang Kon’s ancestors had a humble family origin. Not having been members of the royal or aristocratic family of Silla, they were probably migrants from the north and descendant from Koguryo people.
IV. Conclusion and its implication for the legitimacy of Koguryo as a part of Korean History
The tales of Wang Kon’s family background in Koryosa segye justify Wang Kon as the person designated to establish Koryo by unifying Korea. In doing so Wang Kon’s ancestors were mystified and glorified to legitimise the Wang family as the worthy royal family of Korea. In the process of glorifying the Wang family in the tales, the heritage of Koguryo was incorporated. Hogyong, the first ancestor of Wang Kon, is implicitly described in the story as a descendant of the Koguryo People: an immigrant from the north, the heartland of Koguryo, with a passion for hunting in mountains and being a strong and brave man. Chakchegon’s move to a more auspicious site that later became the palace site using a golden pig is remarkably similar to the Koguryo tale of King Yuri’s moving the capital to Kungnaesong from Cholbonsong. These stories should be important parts of establishing Koryo as the legitimate successor of Koguryo along with other evidence including the adoption of the name of Koryo from Koguryo.
Among all East Asian nations including Han-Chinese dynasties and Manchurian dynasties, the Koryo dynasty most strongly claimed to be the successor of Koguryo and has certainly inherited Koguryo culture the most. Present day Korea is the direct successor of the Koryo dynasty and thus the Korean People can legitimately claim Koguryo history as a part of Korean history. In his regard I will summarise and review the important points regarding the present day dispute over Koguryo history between China and Korea.
1) Presentism

The Chinese claim of Koguryo history to be part of Chinese history is clearly based on the application of presentism in history. Presentism is a metaphysical argument that only the present is real.16 When presentism is deliberately applied in history writing to justify or glorify the present, the past is distorted, anachronised or misinterpreted for the sake of the present. In such a case, a historian commits a great sin of fabricating historical reality. On this issue, David Livingstone perceptively wrote:17

---The past, in other words, is only contemplated in terms of the present. The result is that history is written backwards – from the present to the past and this is what historians refer to as ‘Whiggish’ or ‘presentist’ history.
This presentism is often seen in the history of an academic discipline that is written for students to enlighten the present position of their discipline by providing a suitable historical background. On this issue, George Stocking effectively pointed out:18

---the author may attempt to legitimize a present point of view by claiming for it a putative “founder” of the discipline. Or he may sweep broadly across the history of a discipline, brushing out whigs and tories in the nooks and crannies of every century. Inevitably the sins of history written “for the sake of the present” insinuate themselves: anachronism, distortion, misinterpretation, misleading analogy, neglect of context, oversimplification of process.


In history writing, the author can not be free from the present and some elements of presentism. The author has to select historical information from presently available records that are considered to be significant and has to understand the past by applying presently available theories and perspectives. However, when the past is deliberately manipulated to justify the present, the sin of presentism is committed.
The Chinese claim of Koguryo being a part of Chinese history may an example of writing a “presentist” history by neglecting the historical context and misinterpreting the past. During the time of Koguryo, China’s territory was not as grand as at present. Koguryo was not part of China then and was an independent nation. During the Koguryo times, most of the territory north of the great wall belonged to non-Chinese people and was not part of China. If Koguryo is claimed to be part of China because most of the Koguryo territory presently belongs to China, such a claim neglects the historical context and imposes the map of the present day Chinese territory to the Koguryo time (BC 37 – 677). Such a claim is an act of presentism.
Imanual Kant was born in Koenigberg in East Prussia (Germany) and was a German. Now his home land (hometown) has become Russian territory. Wouldn’t it be laughable if the Russians claimed that Immanuel Kant was a Russian because his home land has now become Russian territory? Doesn’t such a claim neglect the historical context of his time and impose the current territorial situation to the time of Kant? One may find some similarities between this case and the Chinese claim of Koguryo to be a part of Chinese history, as the ancient territory of Koguryo is now part of China.
2. Claiming to be Koguryo’s successor.

Two kingdoms in Manchuria, Parhae (渤海) and Jin (金), as well as Koyro claimed to be the successor of Koguryo. However, only Koryo claimed the name of the country “Koguryo” and used the ancient Koguryo capital, Pyongyang, as one of the two capitals. Koryo claimed the legitimacy of being Koguryo’s successor more intensely than the other two dynasties. Koryo is an abridgement of Koguryo. Indeed Koguryo was sometimes called Koryo as evidenced in Chinese and Japanese records.


3. Only Korea, not China, included the history of Koguryo as part as their ‘official’ national history.

The official history of Koguryo was published as a part of Samguksagi, the History of the Three Kingdoms during the Koryo period in the 12th century (1145). The ‘official’ history of the Chinese dynasties never wrote about Koguryo history as a part of their history, but included it as one of the foreign countries along with Paekje, Silla and Japan.


In the past China never considered Koguryo as one of the Chinese dynasties. If China claims that any country that paid tribute to them is a part of China, then even the modern Choson dynasty should be considered to be part of Chinese history. However China at the moment does not claim the Choson dynasty to be a part of Chinese history, even if it paid tribute to China. If Koguryo is claimed to be a part of Chinese history because it paid tribute to it, it is not based on sound logic.
4.The mountain fortress (山城) and city fortress (都城).

In East Asia, only Korea had a system of a twin defence fortresses for the capital city: a walled city and a mountain fortress. A mountain fortress was prepared on a mountain nearby a city. In case of war, when the walled city on flat land was difficult to defend from an invading enemy, the city strategically retreated to the mountain fortress and fought back from there. China did not have this twin defence system for a city, and the walled city itself was the defensive fortress for the people living in the city. Japan generally did not have this twin defense system and mountain fortresses were rare. 19 No Japanese capital cities adopted this twin defence system.


The twin defence system of having a city with a city wall for ordinary time and a mountain fortress for war time was very clearly developed during the Koguryo time as shown in Kungnaesong and Hwandosong. This system is also seen in Paekjae and Silla. Subsequent Korean dynasties always retained this defence system and maintained a mountain fortress nearby a city as in the capital for Koryo, Kaesong, and that for Choson, Seoul (two mountain fortresses in the case of Seoul). The mountain fortress system seems to be uniquely Korean among the East Asian nations and this system seems to have originated from the Three Kingdoms Period, most notably by Koguryo. Even the most recent Korean dynasty, the Choson dynasty (1392-1910) retained this heritage and maintained mountain fortresses in many different parts of the country.
5. Korean Language

In terms of the vocabulary, modern standard Korean may owe much to Silla speech. However, it is my contention that in terms of its intonation and accent, modern standard Korean based on Seoulite’s speech may owe more to Koguryo than to Silla. I suggest this hypothesis because the present day Kyongsang Province dialect is based on Silla speech, centering around Kyongju. The intonation and accent of the Kyongsang Province dialect is distinctly different from the rest of Korean provincial dialects and the modern standard Korean that is derived from the Kyonggi Province dialect. When the capital of Korea was moved from Kyongju to Kaesong during the first king of Koryo , the standard Korean was changed from the Kyongju (Kyongsang Province) dialect to the Kaesong (Kyonggi Province) dialect. The accent and intonation of Kaesong speech must be closer to Koguryo language and that of Silla, for it is in the old Koguryo territory. If this assumption is correct, modern Korean owes much to Koguryo language.


6. Recognising Koguryo in History.

Even some Chinese writers in history recognised Koryo to be the successor of Koguryo. For example two Chinese writings about Korea in the 12th Century, ‘Memorabilia of the Chicken Forest (Gyerimyusa)’ by Sonmok and ‘Picturesque Book of Koryo (Koryo Tokyong)’ by So Kung both recognised Koryo to be the successor of Koguryo.20


Another interesting piece of evidence recognising Koguryo to be a part of Korea and not China comes from the Chinese treatment of the Last King of Koguryo, King Pojangwang. When the Chinese captured the king and had him taken away from Pyongyang, the capital of Koguryo, the Chinese conferred the title “King of Ch’ao-hsien (Choson - Korea)” to him and appointed him the governor of the Laotung District.21 The Chinese did so in the hope of pacifying the Koguryo people. This Chinese action clearly demonstrated that the Chinese themselves recognised that Koguryo was a part of Korea.
7. Recognition of Koguryo by contemporary Koreans and Chinese.

Most Koreans of all ages with more than a primary school education would have heard about Koguryo and recognise it as part of their national history. However how many Chinese would have heard about Koguryo and recognise it as their history? Even some contemporary Chinese writings recognise Koguryo as Korea.22


George Stocking rightly suggested “to understand the past for the sake of the past” by suspending judgment so as to present utility.23 If we apply this historicist orientation in the understanding of Koguryo history, it is plainly clear that Koguryo was not part of China, but was an independent kingdom that Koreans inherited. Koreans valued Koguryo heritage and have claimed Koguryo to be one of their ancestral states much more intensely and much earlier than the Chinese.


1 For the abridged and translated version included in this paper, I used the North Korean translation of Koryosa into modern Korean: Translated by Pak Sihyong & Hong Hwoiyu, Koryosa (History of Koryo), vol 1, (Pyongyang: Kwahakwon Chulpansa, 1962) reprinted in Seoul by Arum Chulpansa.
Michael C. Rogers translated the full text quoted from Pyonnon tongnok in Koryosa Segye and discussed the ideological, geomantic and other religious backgrounds of the text in his article. Rogers’ translation of the text includes parts that seem to be the translation of literal meanings of each word, rather than the meaning of an entire sentence in context. For the full text of narratives quoted from Pyonnon tongnok, see Michael C. Rogers, “Pyonnyon tongnok: The Foundation Legend of the Koryo State”, Journal of Korean Studies vol 4 (1982-83), pp.3-72.


2 Na Kyongsu, “Konkuksinhwarosoui Koryosegye (Koryo segye as national foundation myths)”, Mokpo omunhak, vol. 2, p.84.

3 Yi Pyongdo, Koryo sidaeui yongu (A Study of the Koryo Period), (Seoul: Asea munhwasa, 1980) pp. 85-89.

4 Murayama Chijin, Choson no Fusui (Geomancy of Korea), translated into Korean by Choi Kisong, (Seoul: Minumsa, 1990) pp. 585-613.

5Choi Byong-hon, “Toson’s Geomantic Theories and the Foundation of the Koryo Dynasty,” Seoul Journal of Korean Studies, vol. 2 (1989), p.79-85; Kim Ki-duk, Examining the Geographical Features of the Koryo Dynasty’s Gaegyeong in feng-shui theoretical Terms, Hankuk Sasangsahak, vol. 17, p.66-75.

6 Na Kyongsu, Op.Cit., p.67-86; You In Soo, “Koryo Konkuk Solhwaui Yongu (A Study of Koryo Dynasty Foundation Myth)”, Master’s Degree thesis, Hanyang University, 1989.

7 Rogers, Op. Cit., p.19.

8 Yi Pyongdo, Op. Cit., p. 87.

9 Michael Rogers claims that Kim Kwanui made use of this Koguryo style story of the pig as a discoverer of an auspicious site, because his basic purpose was “to proclaim the supremacy of Kaesong as the capital city, invalidating any claims that might be advanced by partisans of Pyongyang, the Western Capital.” See Rogers, Op. Cit., pp.46-47.
Roger’s thoughtful conjecture seemed to be somewhat illogical, because Kaesong is to Koguryo’s Cholbon what Pyongyang is to Kuknaewinaam. The story of the pig running way from Chakchegon’s house and finding an auspicious house site (his ancestor’s old house site) can be interpreted as an allegory advocating to move Koryo’s capital from Kaesong to Pyongyang (the old capital of Koguryo, ‘the ancestral state’) rather than to proclaim the supremacy of Kaesong as the capital city.


10 Kim Pusik, Samkuk sagi (history of the Three Kingdoms) translated into modern Korean by Yi Pyongdo (Seoul: Eul-yoo Publishing, 1987), pp. 256-257. Here, I have abridged and translated the information relevant to Solji’s finding of Kungnasong and moving the capital to the place only.

11 In many tribal cultures, pigs are a highly valued commodity. Pigs are considered to be one of the most valued items as a gift or the most important food for celebrations and festivals of many Pacific Island cultures.

12 Choi, Pyonghon, “Tosonui Saengaewa Rmalyochoui Pungsuchirisol (The life of Toson and geomancy during the period of the end of Silla and the beginning of Koryo), Hankuksa Yongu (A Study of Korean History, vol. 11(1975), p. 127; Rogers Op. Cit., p. 46.

13 Ibid.

14 Choi Pyonghon, Op, Cit. 127.

15 For the discusson of Koryo’s state founding ideology being the succession of Koguryo, see Michael C. Rogers, Op. Cit., pp. 17-19.

16 Thomas M. Crisp, “Chapter 8, Presentism”, in The Oxford Handbook of Metaphysics, edited by Michael J. Loux and dean W. Zimmerman (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), p.212.

17 David N. Livingstone, The Geographical Traditon (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1993), p.4.

18 George W. Stocking, Jr., “on the Limits of “presentism” and “Historicism” in the Historiography of the Behavioral Sciences”, in Race, Culture and Evolution: Essays in the History of Anthropology, by George W, Stocking, Jr., (The Free Press: New York, 1968), p.8.

19 It is my understanding that such mountain fortresses are called “the Korean style mountain fortress” by the Japanese scholars.

20 Ahn Byung-woo, “Historical Successor to Goguryeo”, Korea Now, April 3, 2004, p.30

21 Ki-baik Lee, A New History of Korea, translated by Edward W. Wagner (Seoul: Ilchokak,1995) p.71.

22 According to Digital Choson (http://www.Choson.com/w21data/html/news/200402/200402260153.html, checked 27/02/2004), A popular Chinese contemporary Chinese action novel, described Koguryo as an other country that is not a part of China. See the section of “Guest from Koryo” in vol 2 of Part three, Hero’s Gate (英雄門) by Jin Long (金庸).

23 George W. Stocking Jr., Op. Cit., p.12.






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