8
There is No Justice in History
UNDERSTANDING HUMAN HISTORY IN THE millennia following the Agricultural
Revolution boils down to a single question: how did humans organise themselves
in mass-cooperation networks, when they lacked the biological instincts necessary
to sustain such networks? The short answer is that humans created imagined
orders and devised scripts. These two inventions lled the gaps left by our
biological inheritance.
However, the appearance of these networks was, for many, a dubious blessing.
The imagined orders sustaining these networks were neither neutral nor fair. They
divided people
into make-believe groups, arranged in a hierarchy. The upper
levels enjoyed privileges and power, while the lower ones su ered from
discrimination and oppression. Hammurabi’s Code, for example,
established a
pecking order of superiors, commoners and slaves. Superiors got all the good
things in life. Commoners got what was left. Slaves got a beating if they
complained.
Despite its proclamation
of the equality of all men, the imagined order
established by the Americans in 1776 also established a hierarchy. It created a
hierarchy between men,
who bene ted from it, and women, whom it left
disempowered. It created a hierarchy between whites,
who enjoyed liberty, and
blacks and American Indians, who were considered humans of a lesser type and
therefore did not share in the equal rights of men. Many of those who signed the
Declaration of Independence were slaveholders. They did not release their slaves
upon signing the Declaration, nor did they consider themselves hypocrites. In their
view, the rights of
men
had little to do with Negroes.
The American order also consecrated the hierarchy between rich and poor. Most
Americans at that time had little problem with the inequality caused by wealthy
parents passing their money and businesses on to their children. In their view,
equality meant simply that the same laws applied to rich and poor. It had nothing
to do with unemployment bene ts, integrated education or health insurance.
Liberty, too, carried very di erent connotations than it does today. In 1776, it did
not mean that the disempowered (certainly not blacks or Indians or, God forbid,
women) could gain and exercise power. It meant simply that the state could not,
except in unusual circumstances, con scate a citizen’s private property or tell him
what to do with it. The American order thereby upheld the hierarchy of wealth,
which some thought was mandated by God and others viewed as representing the
immutable laws of nature. Nature, it was claimed,
rewarded merit with wealth
while penalising indolence.
All the above-mentioned distinctions – between free persons and slaves,
between whites and blacks, between rich and poor – are rooted in ctions. (The
hierarchy of men and women will be discussed later.) Yet it is an iron rule of
history that every imagined hierarchy disavows its ctional origins and claims to
be natural and inevitable. For instance, many
people who have viewed the
hierarchy of free persons and slaves as natural and correct have argued that
slavery is not a human invention. Hammurabi saw it as ordained by the gods.
Aristotle argued that slaves have a ‘slavish nature’ whereas free people have a
‘free nature’. Their status in society is merely a reflection of their innate nature.
Ask white supremacists about the racial hierarchy, and you are in for a
pseudoscienti c lecture concerning the biological di erences between the races.
You are likely to be told that there is something in Caucasian blood or genes that
makes whites naturally more intelligent, moral and hardworking. Ask a diehard
capitalist about the hierarchy of wealth, and you are likely to hear that it is the
inevitable outcome of objective di erences in abilities. The rich have more money,
in
this view, because they are more capable and diligent. No one should be
bothered, then, if the wealthy get better health care, better education and better
nutrition. The rich richly deserve every perk they enjoy.
Dostları ilə paylaş: