THEODORE
PARKER
254
STRAUSS
’
S
LIFE
OF
JESUS
255
written documents, sooner or later, there comes a difference
between the old document and the modern discoveries and
culture shown in works written to explain it. So long as the
difference is not total, attempts will be made to reconcile the
two. A great part of religious documents relate to sacred his-
tory, to events and instances of the Deity stepping into the cir-
cle of human affairs. Subsequently, doubts arise as to the fact,
and it is said “the divinity could not have done as it is alleged,”
or, “the deed could not be divine.” Then attempts are made to
show either that these deeds were never done, and, therefore,
the documentary record is not entitled to historical credibility,
or that they were not done by God, and, therefore, to explain
away the real contents of the book. In each of these cases, the
critic may go fearlessly to work; look facts clearly in the face;
acknowledge the statements of the old record, with the incon-
sistency between them and the truths of science; or, he may go
to work under constraint; may blind himself to this inconsis-
tency, and seek merely to unfold the original meaning of the
text. This took place in Greece, where religion did not rest on
religious documents, but had yet a sort of connexion with the
mythological stories of Homer and Hesiod, and with others,
which circulated from mouth to mouth. The serious philos-
ophers soon saw that these stories could not be true. Hence
arose Plato’s quarrel with Homer; hence Anaxagoras gave an
allegorical explanation of Homer, and the Stoics naturalized
Hesiod’s Theogony, supposing it related to the operations of
Nature. Others, like Evhemerus, humanized and applied these
stories to men, who by great deeds had won divine honors.
Now with the Hebrews, their stability, and their adherence
to the supernatural stand-point would, on the one hand, pre-
vent such views being taken of their religious records; and on
the other, would render this treatment the more necessary.
Accordingly, after the exile, and still more after the time of
the Maccabees, the Hebrew teachers found means to remove
what was offensive; to fi ll up chasms, and introduce modern
ideas into their religious books. This was fi rst done at Alexan-
dria. Philo, — following numerous predecessors, — maintained
there was a common, and a deeper sense in the Scriptures, and
in some cases, the literal meaning was altogether set aside; es-
pecially when it comprised anything excessively anthropomor-
phitic, or unworthy of God. Thus he gave up the historical char-
acter, to save the credit of the narrative, but never followed the
method of Evhemerus. The Christians applied the same treat-
ment to the Old Testament, and Origen found a literal, moral,
and mystical sense in all parts of the Scriptures, and some-
times applied the saying, “the letter killeth, but the spirit ma-
keth alive,” to the former. Some passages, he said, had no lit-
eral sense; in others, a literal lie lay at the bottom of a mystical
truth. Many deeds, he says, are mentioned in Scripture, which
were never performed; fi ction is woven up with fact to lead us
to virtue. He rejected the literal sense of those passages which
humanize the Deity. But Origen went farther, and applied
these same principles to the New Testament, where he found
much that was distasteful to his philosophical palate. Here also
he fi nds fi ction mingled with fact, and compares the Homeric
stories of the Trojan war, in respect to their credibility, with the
Christian narratives. In both Homer and the Gospels, he would
consider what portions can be believed; what considered as fi g-
urative; what rejected as incredible, and the result of human
frailty. He, therefore, does not demand a blind faith in the Gos-
pels, but would have all Christians understand, that good sense
and diligent examination are necessary in this study, to ascer-
tain the meaning of a particular passage. But this heretical Fa-
ther was too cautious to extend these remarks, and apply them
extensively to particular passages. The Scriptures fell into the
hands of men, who acknowledged something divine in them;
THEODORE
PARKER
256
STRAUSS
’
S
LIFE
OF
JESUS
257
but denied that God had made therein particular manifesta-
tions of himself. This was done by Celsus, Porphyry, and Ju-
lian, who assented to much that is related of Moses and Jesus;
while they found “lying legends” in other parts of the Bible.
Among the Greeks and Hebrews, whose religious literature
was contemporary with the growth of the nation, the preva-
lence of allegorical interpretation of the sacred books, proved
that the old forms of religion had died out, for the modern cul-
ture had outgrown the faith of the fathers of the nation. But
in Christianity, the allegorical explanation adopted by Origen,
and the peculiar opposition of Celsus taking place so near the
birth of Christianity, prove that the world had not yet properly
lived in the new form of religion. But, from the age after this
time, when the rude Germanic nations, — too rude to fi nd any
diffi culty in admitting the most objectionable parts of the Old
and New Testament, — were conquering the Roman Empire,
and becoming Christians at the same time, all proofs have dis-
appeared, which would indicate the prevalence of a manner
of interpreting the Scriptures, that arose from a radical dis-
crepancy between the culture of mankind and the statements
in these records. The Reformation made the fi rst breach upon
the solid walls of Ecclesiastical faith in the letter of the Bible.
This was the fi rst sign, that in Christianity, as formerly in Ju-
daism and Heathenism, there was a culture suffi ciently power-
ful to react upon the prevalent form of religion.
So far as the Reformation was directed against the Romish
Church, it soon accomplished its sublime mission. But in re-
lation to the Scriptures, it took the direction of Deism. Toland
and Bolingbroke called the Bible a collection of fabulous books.
Others robbed the Scriptural heroes of all divine light. The
law of Moses was considered a superstition; the apostles were
called selfi sh; the character of Jesus was assailed; and his res-
urrection denied by a “moral philosopher.” Here belong Chubb,
Woolston, Morgan, and the Wolfenbüttel Fragmentist. These
scholars were ably opposed by a host of apologetical writers in
England and Germany, who defended the supernatural charac-
ter of the Bible. But in Germany there arose a different class of
men, who designed to strip the Bible of its supernatural char-
acter, and direct divinity; but to leave its human character un-
harmed. They would not call the alleged miracles, miracles, nor
consider them as juggling. Thus Eichhorn opposed the Deists,
— who ascribed bad motives to the writers of Scripture, — but
denied that there was anything supernatural in the stories of
the Old Testament. He saw that he must deny this of the Bible,
or admit it likewise of all ancient religious documents; for they
all claimed it. We are not to be astonished, he says, at fi nding
miracles in these writings, for they were produced in the in-
fancy of the world; we must interpret them in the same spirit
that composed them. Thus he can explain the history of Noah,
Abraham, and Moses, by natural events.
Others treated the New Testament in the same manner.
But the fi rst Christian Evhemerus, was Dr. Paulus. He makes a
distinction between the fact related and the judgment or opin-
ion respecting the fact; for example, between the fact and the
writer’s opinion respecting its cause or purpose. The two, he
supposes, are confounded in the New Testament; for its writ-
ers, like others in that age, took a supernatural view, and re-
ferred human actions to the direct agency of God. The offi ce
of an interpreter is to separate the fact from the opinion about
the fact. Paulus, accordingly, believes the Gospels, but denies
the supernatural causality of the events related. Jesus is not
the Son of God, in the ecclesiastical sense, but a good man; he
works no miracles, but does kind deeds, sometimes by chirur-
gical skill, and sometimes by good luck. Both Paulus and Eich-
horn, in order to maintain the truth of the narrative, must re-
fer it to a date as early as possible; thus the former admits that