The Perceptive Outsider: The Appropriation of the Writings of Frédéric Bastiat



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The Perceptive Outsider: The Appropriation of the Writings of Frédéric Bastiat

By
Logan Copley

History 3125-Historical Methods-Final Paper-Ilaria Scaglia-December 12, 2012

Beginning in the 1970s, historians began to reexamine the neglected school of French liberalism.1 Prior to this resurgence of research on this school, most scholars focused on the importance of British classical liberals, such as John Locke and Adam Smith, in the development of liberalism as a whole. Historians have identified several causes for the obscurity of French liberal traditions. Joseph Schumpeter argued that French liberals were “almost wholly sterile as regards analytical achievement.”2 He attributed this to “the practical turn of their minds” and their infatuation with “economic policy.”3 Joseph Salerno argued that this perception of British superiority was due to the conflation of clarity and erudition. In other words, the perspicuous explanations of economic thought were not the presentation of trivialities but cogent reasoning. Salerno, writing in the 1970s, argued that the French liberals developed a school of thought distinct from the British school. He traced the impact of French liberalism throughout continental Europe and in the United States. Further, Murray Rothbard, in his seminal study on the history of economic thought, highlighted the contributions of French liberal thinkers and their impact on other European economists.4 Additionally, Ralph Raico argued in the introduction to his study on classical liberalism that French exponents, not British, were “the best liberal thinkers.”5 The collection of essays was written in response to F.A. Hayek, who “overestimate[ed]…the liberal tradition of Britain.”6

Within the French liberal tradition, Frédéric Bastiat stands out as a prolific author and skillful communicator of liberalism. He was not an original author with pioneering theoretical discoveries; however, Bastiat was a lucid writer and perceptively captured the crux of an issue.7 Bastiat has been criticized as “the shallowest and therefore the most successful representative of the apologists of vulgar economics.”8 Despite the harsh assessments of some detractors, Bastiat has maintained an impressive popularity among classical liberals, conservatives, Austrian economists, and more recently, among members of the Tea Party Movement in the United States.9

Bastiat is a unique case study for scholars because his writings have influenced several important public figures, such Frederick Hayek, Ludwig Von Mises, and recurrent Presidential candidate Ron Paul. Bastiat’s influence rests on the principles he established his inquiry on: examining beyond the apparent positive effects of an action. This statement alone is not sufficient for his reputation because all good thinkers aim to truly discover the consequences of an action. Those who consider him an exemplar in this approach of inquiry elevate Bastiat and emulate his style. David Hart argues that Bastiat created a “rhetoric of liberty” to disprove economic fallacies.10 Bastiat had an enviable style, smoothly incorporating shrewd analysis and satirical formulations of his opponents’ arguments to refute them. For example, Henry Hazlitt, in the introduction to his popular book Economics in One Lesson said, “My greatest debt, with respect to the kind of expository framework on which the present argument is hung, is Frédéric Bastiat’s essay ‘Ce qu’on voit et ce qu’on ne voit fas.’”11 Therefore, Bastiat’s greatest intellectual legacy is his approach to economics and political thought. In this paper, I will explore pertinent passages of Bastiat’s writings in order to highlight his approach to economic and political inquiry, revealing why subsequent groups have adopted his writings.

Since Bastiat’s death, some have argued that Bastiat’s greatest legacy was his work to propagate free trade ideology across Europe. Dean Russell argued that Bastiat should be remembered as a political theorist. Austrian economists have noted that Bastiat was proto-Austrian because he explored themes in a way consistent with later Austrian economists. However, the underlying factor is Bastiat’s method of inquiry. Although each of the three groups mentions Bastiat’s perceptive analysis, they do not sufficiently emphasize its importance to the development of his thought. It is Bastiat’s method that contributes to his current popularity among academics and those simply interested in political questions. Austrian economists, classical liberals, and members of the Tea Party invoke Bastiat.

Since many scholars, such as Frederick Hayek, Ludwig Von Mises, Murray Rothbard, Dean Russell, and Thomas DiLorenzo have analyzed Bastiat’s intellectual contributions, this paper will explore the reason for his popularity among modern thinkers. The aforementioned scholars have primarily explored his contributions to political theory and anti-protectionism, but there is not a consensus about his most important intellectual legacy. Rather than reexamining his writings to evaluate his contribution to economic theory, I will attempt to answer the reason for his popularity among current political groups.

***


During his lifetime, Bastiat was renowned for his efforts to promote free trade policies in Europe.12 His writings were circulated in several European countries, including Sweden, Germany, England, Belgium, Italy, Scotland, and Spain.13 As Bastiat’s writings circulated throughout Europe, free trade societies were created.14 He wrote voraciously, penning pamphlets and authoring journal and newspaper articles. Richard Cobden, a contemporary of Bastiat and leader of the British free trade movement said, “No critic who has read Bastiat will dare to apply again to political economy the sarcastic epithet of the ‘dreary science.’”15 In one of his most well known articles, “A Petition,” Bastiat, writing from the perspective of disgruntled candlestick makers, petitioned the French Assembly to prevent the sun from shining in order to reduce foreign competition.16 He aimed to demonstrate the absurdity of banning a naturally occurring resource that benefits an economy. If industrialists manufactured artificial lighting devices to replace the sun’s light, the economic gain would be spurious and unnecessary, the consequence of myopic evaluation. In another article from Economic Sophisms, Bastiat incredulously asked why France would allocate money to improve the movement of goods between countries and then spend yet more money reconstructing the impediments to trade through tariffs.17 These two samples reflect Bastiat’s creative approach to political economy and reveal that his creativity bolstered the spread of his writings.

There is an interesting parallel between the mainstream rejection of Bastiat’s ideas during his lifetime and the adoption of his writings by groups who espouse unconventional, libertarian, or conservative ideologies. The implication is not that Bastiat was an inherently unpopular writer; Bastiat was a popular pamphleteer and politician during his lifetime, but his ideas were never generally accepted. Similarly, today his writings are not widely circulated and they are read and quoted by small, passionate groups, such as the Tea Party and Austrian economists. In fact, Ron Paul, a republican candidate for President in 2008 and 2012, stated that every American should read The Law. His writings are appealing to these groups because of their forcefulness and vivacity that arose from his exclusion from the ruling class. There is a charming idealistic aspect that endears his writings to other excluded groups who seek to reform the government.

Although some members of the Austrian school of economics argue that Bastiat was a great economist, or as even “one of the greatest economists”, his popularity among other groups is not principally related to his economic writings.18 As Michael C. Behrent has noted, Bastiat’s current popularity is related to his role of “moralist” rather than “economist.”19 Bastiat’s The Law has been recommended by Ron Paul and Glenn Beck and was the most popular book the Foundation for Economic Education has ever published.20 This indifference cannot be due to the erudition of his economic thought because even among economists not affiliated with the Austrian schools, Bastiat’s economic writings are not relevant. His economic writings are relevant only to those ideologically attracted to Bastiat. However, other aspects of Bastiat’s writings, in particular his political writings remain popular among commentators, politicians, and activists.

The Tea Party, one of the primary appropriators of Bastiat’s writings, exists in order to purify America from un-American ideas in government, such as fiscal irresponsibility and personal freedom.21 It is unusual that the Tea Party looks to a nineteenth-century French writer to inform its critique of contemporary political disputes.22 However, more intriguing is the fact that Bastiat did not influence the authors of the Constitution because they wrote twelve years before his birth. Thus, any similarity between Bastiat’s writings and the Constitution is coincidental or the effect of the US Constitution on Bastiat. Further, if the Tea Party were truly intent on reviving writings influential to the framers of the Constitution, they would need to select authors other than Frédéric Bastiat, such as Montesquieu, an author Bastiat criticized.23 Frédéric Bastiat remains popular with the Tea Party not because he was important to the writers of the Constitution but because his writings are forceful expressions of their own ideology.



Economic Sophisms is significant to contemporary scholars and activists because they also consider much of the United States’ economic policy are based on sophistry. When Bastiat wrote in the 1840s, his policies were not popular among his contemporaries, and when he served in the French Assembly, he consistently voted in the minority.24 When he titled his collection of essays Economic Sophisms, he conveyed that the prevalent understanding of economics promoted in France was based on false reasoning. It was specious and gilded, ostensibly correct, but really deficient. The people who invoke Bastiat today also share this framework. They consider themselves in a battle to disprove the predominant arguments and reasoning used to legitimize fallacious economic policies. Although they may not use the term “sophism,” they, nonetheless, adopt the same perspective.

Henry Hazlitt wrote, perhaps, the most popular introduction to classical liberal economics in 1946. He explicitly acknowledged Bastiat’s influence on his “expository framework.” In fact, Hazlitt did not make a pretense to originality in his essay. Hazlitt argued that the many economic ills are the consequence of the adoption of fallacious economic reasoning.25 Hazlitt’s “lesson” was essentially a reworking of Bastiat’s essay “What is Seen and What is Not Seen.” The good economist “looks beyond” the immediate outcome of a policy to the long-term effects. He “vindicates common sense and refutes the apologia for destruction of the pseudo-sophisticate.”26

In his essay, “What is Seen and What is Not Seen,” Bastiat presented the “broken window fallacy.”27 Bastiat presented a thought experiment to demonstrate that money spent to repair a broken window does not “encourage industry” but simply diverts the money from another industry. The assumption of the fallacy is that the person whose window was damaged has to pay the repairman to fix it, resulting in an economic gain for the repairman, which he, otherwise, would not have gained. However, as Bastiat pointed out, the money that was used to pay the repairman could have been used to purchase another item, such as a hamburger. If the money had used to purchase a hamburger, it would have benefitted another industry. Thus, there was not a true gain but a change in the recipient of the money.28

Many commentators have mentioned Bastiat in the discussion of rebuilding the infrastructure of New Jersey and New York after Superstorm Sandy.29 They use Bastiat to refute the argument that the destruction will benefit the economy because it people will have to perform many different jobs in order to rebuild the damage areas. They argue that the economic gains that would result from the reconstruction would be an example of a large-scale “broken window fallacy.”

Ron Paul, in a speech at the anti-tax Tea Party event on April 15, 2010, said that taxes are “theft.”30 Bastiat stated this idea, but he gave it the appellation “legal plunder.”31 “Legal plunder,” according to Bastiat manifested itself in many forms, such as “tariffs, protection, perquisites, gratuities, encouragements, progressive taxation, free public education, right to work, right to profit, right to wages, right to assistance, right to instruments of labor, gratuity of credit, etc., etc.”32 When Paul termed taxation “theft,” he implicitly appropriated another principle of Bastiat: the government cannot legally do what an individual cannot do.33 It would be considered theft for an individual to “take” money from another individual without his consent.34 However, in the speech Paul did not say that he quoted or was inspired by Bastiat.

In the same speech, Ron Paul alluded to Bastiat again when he stated that government existed “to protect our liberties.”35 Bastiat argued that individual rights were the motivation to create laws, and that laws did not preexist the recognition of individual rights.36 Further, Paul stated that the government considers people “too stupid” to make decisions for themselves. Bastiat had earlier argued this and posited that this was a common feature among socialists.37

Starting from these data, as a gardener according to his caprice shapes his trees into pyramids, parasols, cubes, cones, vases, espaliers, distaffs, or fans; so the Socialist, following his chimera, shapes poor humanity into groups, series, circles, subcircles, honeycombs, or social workshops, with all kinds of variations. And as the gardener, to bring his trees into shape, needs hatchets, pruning hooks, saws, and shears, so the politician, to bring society into shape, needs the forces which he can only find in the laws; the law of tariffs, the law of taxation, the law of assistance, and the law of education.38
Thus, when Paul alluded to Bastiat in his address to the Tea Party, he invoked the same assumptions as Bastiat. Paul understood the government to be in conflict with its citizens, nominally acting on their behalf but acting against their interests. The “enlightened” legislators used their power to mold the lives of their constituents through the force of the law, justifying their otherwise illegal actions. Thus, the citizens need to address the injustice and argue for representation that is in accord with their welfare.

The study of Frédéric Bastiat’s influence on later thinkers presents other avenues of exploration. Members of the general economic community have neglected Bastiat’s writings, and he is not well known outside of the few groups that quote his writings. Further, he was not a great theorist. Taken together, it is peculiar that his writings would have influenced later generations so strongly. However, his presentation, in particular, the perspective of the outsider, the objective analyst and corrector of fallacies, has been incredibly significant. This study contributes to the broader theme of the justifications of political platforms in America. In the case of Bastiat, his appropriators incorporated the perspective of the outsider. It stands to reason whether Bastiat would be popular among these groups if they were to obtain a broader share of power. Perhaps they would emphasize other aspects of his writings or choose to adopt another author to justify their ideology.39

***

This study commenced in an attempt to explore the influence of Bastiat’s wit as a contributing factor for his influence among contemporary thinkers. However, in the course of the exploration, it became evident that his wit had little to do with his posthumous popularity. Rather, his writings became significant because of the perspective Bastiat adopted while writing—the perspective of the outsider. This framework appealed to later thinkers, in particular, members of the Tea Party because they, too, are not broadly popular. Thus, this perspective, which includes language, such as “sophism” and “fallacy” enabled them to ascribe to themselves credibility in order to promote their views. By labeling their opponents “sophists,” they at once called into question their reasoning abilities and their morals. This opened the door for greater political legitimacy.



Bastiat frequently mentioned the prevalence of sophistry in political discussion, whether in the development of economic policy or the degree of influence the government should exert in the lives of its citizens. In both cases, he argued that the majority attempt to control the minority through fallacious reasoning. In fact, he seemed to suggest that this desire was embedded in human nature.40 Rather than relying on their creative and industrial power, they, instead, try to benefit from the labor of others by making laws that take from the diligent. This theme is understandable when considered together with the context of the publication of Bastiat’s writings. Since his writings were not generally accepted, it follows that he would employ language such as “sophism” to characterize his opponents’ viewpoints. First, their views were more accepted by the majority. Second, he had to devise a way to interject his thoughts into the political discussion. Further, although it has become, in a sense, cliché, is the notion that the truth is rarely found in the opinions of the masses. Thus, Bastiat’s writings accord with this “truth” as well. Therefore, by terming the popular opinions of economics as “sophistry” he presented himself as a clearer thinker and necessary for society.

Henry Hazlitt, Ron Paul, the various pundits, and academics who are inspired by Bastiat all appeal to this theme of sophistry. This type of language seeks to provide credibility to their arguments by establishing themselves as the proper interpreters of economic and government policies. They are, as it were, Socratic figures meant to expose error and announce truth.

Bastiat was a polarizing writer; his writings, analytically and comically rich, were composed to produce a response from his readers. Previous reviewers of Bastiat’s writings have noted his compelling articulation of economic principles, but this seemingly obvious fact has been neglected as a principal reason for the preservation and appropriation of his work among various contemporary groups. Further, the political and economic situation in France when Bastiat composed his works parallels the contemporary acceptance of his principles. In particular, the pervasive rejection of Bastiat’s ideas among his contemporaries mirrors the challenges faced by current appropriators of his writings. Thus, they appeal to Bastiat as a fellow outsider, adopting the framework Bastiat used nearly one hundred fifty years before. Frédéric Bastiat’s greatest intellectual legacy, therefore, is not his contribution to political or economic theory, but his method of inquiry as expressed in the perspective of the outsider.
BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primary Sources

Bastiat, Frédéric. Economic Sophisms. Translated by Arthur Goddard. Irvington-on-Hudson, NY: Foundation for Economic Education, Inc., 1996.


Bastiat, Frédéric. The Law. China: Ludwig Von Mises Institute, 2007.

Bastiat, Frédéric. Selected Essays on Political Economy. Translated by Seymour Cain. Irvington-on-Hudson, NY: Foundation for Economic Education, Inc., 1995.


Hazlitt, Henry. Economics in One Lesson. Auburn, Alabama: Ludwig Von Mises Institute, 2008. First Published 1946 by Harper & Brothers.
Secondary Sources
Behrent, Michael C. “Frédéric Bastiat: The American Right’s French Inspiration.” Last modified January 7, 2010. http://www.booksandideas.net/Frederic-Bastiat-the-American.html?lang=fr.
DiLorenzo, Thomas. “Frédéric Bastiat: Between the French and Marginalist Revolutions.” In 15 Great Austrian Economists, edited by Randall G. Holcombe. Auburn, Alabama: Ludwig Von Mises Institute: 1999.
Hart, David M. “Opposing Economic Fallacies, Legal Plunder, and the State: Frédéric Bastiat’s Rhetoric of Liberty in the Economic Sophisms (1846-1850), paper presented at the History of Economic Thought Society of Australia, Melbourne, Victoria, July 2011.
Hülsman, Jörg Guido. “Bastiat’s Legacy in Economics.” The Quarterly Journal of Austrian Economics 4 (2001): 55-70.
Roche III, George Charles. Frederic Bastiat: A Man Alone. New Rochelle, New York: Arlington House, 1971.
RonPaul.com. “Ron Paul’s Tea Party Speech.” Last modified April 15, 2010. http://www.ronpaul.com/2010-04-15/ron-pauls-speech-at-the-tea-party-in-washington-dc/
Rothbard, Murray. Classical Economics: An Austrian Perspective on the History of Economic Thought, Volume II. Auburn, Alabama: Ludwig Von Mises Institute, 2006. First Published 1995 by Edward Elgar Publishing, Ltd.
Russell, Dean. Frederic Bastiat: Ideas and Influence. 2nd ed. Irvington-on-Hudson, New York: The Foundation for Economic Education, 1969.
Salerno, Joseph T. “Comment on the French Liberal School.” Journal of Libertarian Studies 2 (1987): 65-68.
Salerno, Joseph T. “The Neglect of the French Liberal School in Anglo-American Economics: A Critique of Received Explanations.” Review of Austrian Economics, 2 (1988): 113–56.
Schumpeter, Joseph. History of Economic Analysis. 6th ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 1966.
Stromberg, Joseph R. “Frédéric Bastiat 200 Years On.” http://mises.org/content/bastiat200.asp.
Tea Party – Americans Protecting Americas Foundations. “About Us.” http://www.teaparty.org/about-us/
Thornton, Mark. “Frédéric Bastiat as an Austrian Economist.” Journal des économistes et des études humains 11 (2001): 1-12. Accessed December 12, 2012. http://www.degruyter.com/view/j/jeeh.2001.11.2/jeeh.2001.11.2.1025/jeeh.2001.11.2.1025.xml?format=INT



1 Joseph T. Salerno, “Comment on the French Liberal School,” Journal of Libertarian Studies, 2 (1977), 65-68. Joseph T. Salerno, “The Neglect of the French Liberal School in Anglo-American Economics: A Critique of Received Explanations,” Review of Austrian Economics, 2 (1988), 113–56.

2 Joseph Schumpeter, History of Economic Analysis, 6th ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1966), 497.

3 Ibid.

4 Murray Rothbard, Classical Economics: An Austrian Perspective on the History of Economic Thought, Volume II (Auburn, Alabama: Edward Elgar Publishing Ltd., 1995), 448.

5 Ralph Raico, Classical Liberalism and the Austrian School (Auburn, Alabama: Ludwig Von Mises Institute, 2012), xxvi.

6 Ibid., xxv.

7 Frédéric Bastiat, Selected Essays on Political Economy, trans. Seymour Cain, ed. George B. de Huszar, introduction by F.A. Hayek (Irvington-on-Hudson: Foundation for Economic Education, 1995), 6. Dean Russell, Frédéric Bastiat: Ideas and Influence (Irvington-on-Hudson, New York: The Foundation for Economic Education, 1969), 55.

8 Joseph R. Stromberg, “Frédéric Bastiat: Two Hundred Years On,” http://mises.org/content/bastiat200.asp accessed November 10, 2012.

9 Kate Zernike, “Movement of the Moment Looks to Long-Ago Texts,” New York Times, October 1, 2010 http://www.nytimes.com/2010/10/02/us/politics/02teaparty.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0. See also Mark Thornton, “Frédéric Bastiat as an Austrian Economist,” Journal des économistes et des études humains 11 (2001), 1-12. Thomas J. DiLorenzo, “Frédéric Bastiat: Between the French and Marginalist Revolutions” in 15 Great Austrian Economists, ed. Randall G. Holcombe (Auburn, Alabama: Ludwig Von Mises Institute, 1999), 68.

10 David M. Hart, “Opposing Economic Fallacies, Legal Plunder, and the State: Frédéric Bastiat’s Rhetoric of Liberty in the Economic Sophisms (1846-1850), paper presented at the History of Economic Thought Society of Australia, Melbourne, Victoria, July 2011.

11 Henry Hazlitt, Economics in One Lesson, rev. ed. (1948; repr., Auburn, Alabama: Ludwig Von Mises Institute, 2008), xii.

12 Dean Russell, Frédéric Bastiat: Ideas and Influence, 2nd ed. (Irvington-on-Hudson, New York: The Foundation for Economic Education, 1969), 92.

13 Dean Russell, Frédéric Bastiat: Ideas and Influence, 93.

14 Murray Rothbard, Classical Economics: An Austrian Perspective on the History of Economic Thought, Volume II (Auburn, Alabama: Edward Elgar Publishing Ltd., 1995), 465.

15 Dean Russell, Frédéric Bastiat: Ideas and Influence, 74.

16 Frédéric Bastiat, Economic Sophisms, 13.

17 Frédéric Bastiat, Economic Sophisms, 15.

18 Jörg Guido Hülsmann, “Bastiat’s Legacy in Economics,” The Quarterly Journal of Austrian Economics 4 (2001), 55.

19 “Frédéric Bastiat, The American Right’s French Inspiration,” Michael C. Behrent, accessed December 12, 2012, http://www.booksandideas.net/Frederic-Bastiat-the-American.html?lang=fr

20 Ibid.

21 “About Us,” Tea Party – Americans Protecting Americas Foundations, accessed December 12, 2012, http://www.teaparty.org/about-us/

22 “Frédéric Bastiat, The American Right’s French Inspiration,” Michael C. Behrent.

23 Frédéric Bastiat, The Law (China: Ludwig Von Mises Institute: 2007), 30-31.

24 George Charles Roche III, Frederic Bastiat: A Man Alone (New Rochelle, New York: Arlington House, 1971), 111.

25 Henry Hazlitt, Economics in One Lesson, rev. ed. (1948; repr., Auburn, Alabama: Ludwig Von Mises Institute, 2008), 5.

26 Murray Rothbard, Classical Economics: An Austrian Perspective on the History of Economic Thought, Volume II, 445.

27 Frédéric Bastiat, Selected Essays on Political Economy, trans. Seymour Cain, ed. George B. de Huszar, introduction by F.A. Hayek (Irvington-on-Hudson, New York: Foundation for Economic Education, Inc., 1998), 10.

28 Ibid.

29 Moran Zhang, “Hurricane Sandy and the Broken Window Fallacy,” International Business Times, November 10, 2012, http://www.ibtimes.com/hurricane-sandy-broken-window-fallacy-868878.

30 “Ron Paul’s Tea Party Speech,” RonPaul.com, accessed December 12, 2012, http://www.ronpaul.com/2010-04-15/ron-pauls-speech-at-the-tea-party-in-washington-dc/.

31 Frédéric Bastiat, The Law

32 Frédéric Bastiat, The Law, 14.

33 Frédéric Bastiat, The Law, 3.

34 This argument does not seem to account for social contract theory. In particular, if the representatives elected by the people have voted to enact these policies, the comparison is weakened. When the government taxes an individual, it is not without his consent but with the tacit consent created through representation.

35 “Ron Paul’s Tea Party Speech,” RonPaul.com.

36 Frédéric Bastiat, The Law, 2.

37 Frédéric Bastiat, The Law, 23.

38 Frédéric Bastiat, The Law, 23.

39 This would seem a difficult task because Bastiat was a perennial outsider.

40 Frédéric Bastiat, The Law, 5.

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