History of Science
DOI: 10.1002/anie.201407464
Theodore William Richards: Apostle of Atomic Weights
and Nobel Prize Winner in 1914
Dudley R. Herschbach*
atomic weights · history of science · Nobel Prize ·
physical chemistry · Richards, Theodore William
The atomic weights … are certainly concerned in determining the
composition of every compound substance in the heavens above,
on the earth beneath, or in the waters under the earth. Every
protein in each muscle of our body, every drop of liquid in the
ocean, every stone on the mountain top bears within itself the
stamp of the influence of this profoundly significant and im-
pressive series of numbers.
T. W. Richards
[1]
1. Atomic Weights
Early in the 19th century, John Dalton (1776–1844)
compiled the first table of relative atomic weights. He had
adopted the ancient notion that matter is comprised of atoms:
indivisible, tiny, and myriad. From atomic weights, combined
with density data, Dalton aimed to determine both the
relative masses and sizes of atoms.
[2]
The previous century had
provided two major legacies for quantitative chemistry:
conservation of matter in reactions and the concept of
definite proportions of elements in chemical compounds,
both neatly explained by the atomic theory. However, to
derive relative atomic weights solely by chemical analysis
required knowledge of the correct formulas of the compounds
compared. That gave rise to a half-century of confusion and
controversy.
[3]
Ironically, chemists had rejected or ignored an
approach presented in 1811 by an Italian physicist, Amedeo
Avogadro (1776–1856). He applied a hypothesis, consistent
with the atomic theory, that under similar conditions, equal
volumes of all gases contain equal numbers of molecules.
Thereby, he determined from experimental data on gas
reactions the molecular weights of gases and thus obtained
their molecular formulas.
[4]
Belated appreciation of Avoga-
dros work, fostered by a Congress held in Karlsruhe,
Germany, in 1860, proved important in attaining a consistent
basis for atomic weights. Beyond their practical utility, atomic
weights soon after took a leading role in the discovery of the
periodic table of elements by Dmitri Mendeleev (1834–1907)
and Julius Lothar Meyer (1830–1895) around 1869.
Figure 1. Postage stamps honoring devotees of atomic weights (pic-
tures taken from the Internet): Dalton (top left), Avogadro (top right),
Mendeleev (bottom left), and Richards (bottom right). Curiously, the
building depicted on the 1974 stamp commemorating the 1914 Nobel
Prize for Richards is the Widener Library (opened in 1915), not the
Gibbs Laboratory built in 1912 for Richards.
Figure 2. Richards in his laboratory, about 1905 (from Schlesinger
Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University).
[*] Prof. Dr. D. R. Herschbach
Department of Chemistry and Chemical Biology, Harvard University
12 Oxford Street, Cambridge, MA 02138 (USA)
E-mail: dherschbach@gmail.com
.
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Theodore William Richards (1868–1928) was born about
one year before the periodic table emerged (Figure 1).
[5–9]
By
then, reliable atomic weights of modest accuracy had been
obtained for around 60 elements. Richards (Figure 2) was
destined to redetermine the atomic weights for about 25 of
those elements and train others who redid most of the rest.
His meticulous techniques resulted in “a degree of accuracy
never before attained”, as emphasized in the presentation
statement for the 1914 Nobel Prize in Chemistry.
[10]
Not
mentioned in that statement was the most dramatic episode of
Richards career. In 1913–1914, he supervised work by Max
Lembert (1891–1925), a visiting German postdoctoral fellow,
sent to Richards expressly to determine whether the atomic
weight of ordinary lead differed markedly from that of lead
from radioactive minerals.
[11]
The difference indeed proved to
be large, about a whole mass unit. That provided compelling
evidence for the theory of isotopes boldly proposed by
Frederick Soddy (1877–1956), a young physicist, and by
Kasimir Fajans (1887–1975), the even younger mentor of
Lembert.
Nobel celebrations were suspended during the World
War, and Richards did not deliver a manuscript for his
acceptance lecture until December, 1919.
[12]
His closing
paragraphs emphasized the “great theoretical interest” of
the existence of isotopes, which “give us … new ideas as to the
ultimate nature of the elements … [and] perhaps the most
certain clue as to their origin and history”. In November 1919,
Frances Aston (1877–1945) had resolved and measured the
weights of isotopes of neon by means of mass spectrometry,
a method superior to chemical analysis in scope and accuracy.
During the next few years, Aston measured over 200 iso-
topes.
[13]
Atomic weights, for most of the elements, thus were
seen to be averages over several isotopes. That meant the
atomic weights were less fundamental than previously
thought. Yet they acquired a new significance, as Richards
noted. He had found for several elements that the atomic
weights did not differ for samples from different sources, such
as iron from terrestrial ores and from meteors. That indicated
the constancy of the isotopic proportions, a basic fact later
widely confirmed, of abiding importance for theories of the
origin of the elements.
This essay follows Richards from his precocious youth to
becoming a celebrated chemist. It is a remarkable, largely
idyllic story. All the more striking are some unhappy episodes.
Visiting those is consistent with Richards dedication in
striving to foresee likely sources of error and how to avoid
them.
2. Precocious Youth
Theodore was a precocious youngster, fortunate to have
extraordinary parents who shaped his character and fostered
his career.
[7, 8]
Born on 31 January 1868 in Germantown,
a suburb of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, Theodore was the
third son and fifth child of William Trost Richards and Anna
Matlack Richards. Although largely self-taught as an artist,
William Richards had prospered as a marine and landscape
painter. Anna Matlack was a poet, from a Quaker family that
“looked askance” when she had dared to marry an artist.
Anna, dissatisfied with the local schools that had been
attended by her older children, decided to teach her younger
children herself. So Theodore never went to school until he
was ready to go to college. His home education was intense
and included drawing and music. It was further enhanced
when in 1878 the family went to Europe for two years, chiefly
residing in England. There his Christmas present in 1880 was
a large box containing chemicals and an apparatus for
200 experiments. His interest in chemistry blossomed so
quickly that on returning to Philadelphia the next year, he
was allowed to attend chemical lectures and given special
instruction in qualitative analysis at the University of
Pennsylvania. He also printed on a hand-press a collection
of his mothers sonnets, which he sold as a booklet, using the
proceeds to fit up a small laboratory at home. At the early age
of 14, he entered Haverford College, not as a freshman, but as
a sophomore. He graduated with a Bachelor of Science in
1885, at the head of his class.
At Haverford, Theodore had decided to become a chem-
ist. He had also been strongly attracted by astronomy, but felt
his eyesight was too defective for an astronomer. Years
earlier, during summer sojourns at Newport, Rhode Island,
the Richards family had come to know Josiah Cooke (1827–
1894), Professor of Chemistry at Harvard. Cooke advised that
Theodore come to Harvard College, entering as a senior
specializing in chemistry. That required that Theodore pass an
entrance examination in Greek. His mother promptly learned
Greek and, in six weeks during the summer, taught it to her
son. Thus, in 1886 Theodore received a second Bachelors
degree, summa cum laude, with highest honors in Chemistry
from Harvard.
He went on to graduate studies, undertaking research with
Cooke to redetermine the ratio of the atomic weights of
oxygen and hydrogen. The motivation stemmed from a hy-
pothesis proposed in 1815 by William Prout (1785–1850): that
the atomic weights of the elements should be integral
multiples of the atomic weight of hydrogen. Cooke wanted
to see whether the ratio was actually 16 to 1. The project
involved reacting hydrogen gas with copper oxide to form
water, and required very careful quantitative analysis. The O/
H ratio obtained by Richards was 15.869
Æ 0.0017, well below
the Prout hypothesis.
[14]
With this work as his doctoral thesis,
Richards received his Ph.D. in 1888, at the age of 20.
3. Consummate Chemist
Richards was rewarded with a fellowship to study in
Europe for a year. In the winter semester, he worked at
Gçttingen, doing analytical experiments; in the spring and
summer, he made peripatetic visits to most of the important
laboratories in Germany, Switzerland, France, and England.
Richards then returned to Harvard, becoming an instructor
and later assistant professor, teaching analytical chemistry
(Figure 3). He resumed research on atomic weights, not
merely because I felt more competent in that direction … but
also because atomic weights seemed to be one of the primal
mysteries … silent witnesses of the very beginning of the
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universe, and the half-hidden, half-disclosed symmetry of the
periodic system of the elements.
[7]
As he later described in his
Nobel Lecture, his success in attaining exceptional accuracy
came from careful planning in advance as well as painstaking
execution. A key step was the choice of the compound or
reaction to study, with close attention to possible impurities
and side reactions. Also important were checking every
operation by parallel experiments and techniques he devel-
oped to avoid occlusions and residual moisture.
In 1895, Cooke died and Harvard asked Richards to
undertake teaching physical chemistry. He was sent off to
Europe again to study this new field with great German
chemists: Wilhelm Ostwald (1853–1932) at Leipzig and
Walther Nernst (1864–1941) at Gçttingen. On his return,
Richards launched a wide-ranging course of lectures that he
taught for the rest of his career: Elementary Theoretical and
Physical Chemistry. His research was likewise intense and
enterprising. While still centered on atomic weights, its scope
soon grew to include electrochemistry, thermodynamics, and
compressibility of chemical compounds. In 1901, his col-
leagues and likely Richards himself were amazed when he
was offered a chair at Gçttingen as a full professor (Figure 4).
In that era, it was a tremendous, unprecedented honor for
a young American assistant professor. Yet Richards opted to
continue at Harvard. President C. W. Eliot (1834–1926) made
him a full professor, and also pledged, if and when funds could
be raised, to construct a new research laboratory for Richards.
That promise was finally fulfilled in 1912, when the Wolcott
Gibbs Memorial Laboratory was built. Among a host of other
honors
[7–9]
awarded to Richards, in 1925 an endowed profes-
sorship at Harvard was named for him.
Beyond atomic weights, Richards studied a wide variety of
properties. He made a major contribution by inventing the
adiabatic calorimeter, in which the flow of heat to or from the
outside was greatly reduced by surrounding the calorimeter
by a jacket whose temperature was kept equal to the internal
temperature. With his students, he published 60 papers on
precise measurements of heats of reactions and heat capaci-
ties of many substances. Particularly important were the data
obtained on heats of neutralization of various pairs of strong
acids and bases.
In electrochemistry, another important series of papers
tested the generality and exactness of the laws of electrolysis
discovered by Michael Faraday (1791–1867). The amount of
material deposited was found to be proportional to the
electric current and the equivalent weight of the material, to
high accuracy over a wide range of temperatures, solvents,
and materials, including molten salts. Richards also conducted
a long series of measurements of the EMF of electrochemical
cells, useful for extracting thermodynamic Gibbs energy data.
Again, he devised means that much improved accuracy. His
first graduate student to work on electrochemical cells was
Gilbert Newton Lewis (1875–1946). After a postdoctoral year
with Ostwald at Leipzig, Lewis became a faculty member at
Harvard and at MIT, then in 1912 moved to Berkeley where
he built a great center of physical chemistry.
[15]
From about 1901 on, Richards was enamoured of
a simplistic theory of compressible atoms with which he
sought to correlate many phenomena. He undertook many
experiments suggested by the theory and developed new
apparatus for measuring compressibilities of the elements and
their compounds, in solid or liquid states. Happily, he found
that compressibility was a periodic function of the atomic
weight of the elements, closely related to their atomic volume
(Figure 5). Richards overreached, however. He asserted that
his theory gave “entirely new insights” into properties ranging
from ductility, surface tension, and the critical point, to
several “peculiar relations of material and light”, and
Figure 3. Students from Chemistry 4, the analytical chemistry course
taught by Richards (standing in the middle of the back row), in 1892
(from Harvard University Archives: HUP (21b) in Richards file).
Figure 4. Richards in about 1900, then 32 years old (from Harvard
University Archives: HUP (21b) in Richards file).
.
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chemical bonding. Confronted by too many variables, his
efforts to cast the theory in mathematical form failed.
[16]
When promoted to full professor of physical chemistry,
Richards gave up teaching analytical chemistry, but took on
giving a full course of lectures for undergraduates. As
a privilege, he asked to continue teaching in addition the
more theoretical and historical half-course that he had
initiated, taken mostly by graduate students. For him, eager
pursuit of research did not conflict with teaching tasks, which
“he thoroughly enjoyed because he did them well”.
[8]
After
the call to Gçttingen, he was nominally exempted at Harvard
from administrative duties, which he did not relish. Nonethe-
less, from 1903 to 1911 he served as Chairman of the Division
of Chemistry, with “conscientious attention to detail and far
vision for the future”.
[6]
Richards never availed himself of the
privilege of taking a half-year sabbatical at full salary. During
term time, he wanted to maintain contact with his graduate
students, whose experiments he followed almost daily.
4. Contrasting Perspectives
What follows is adorned with quotes from Richards and
his close colleagues. These offer more vivid and genuine
perspectives on his life and career than can be conveyed by
paraphrasing. His character and personality was much
admired. Richards described his guiding principles as “kind-
liness and common sense”. Colleagues praised him as having
“many lovable qualities: his perfect modesty and simplicity,
his courtesy, his unselfishness, his good company and hu-
mor”.
[7]
Also hailed was his “extraordinary experimental skill,
ingenuity, critical judgment, and his unsurpassed standards of
scientific integrity”.
[1]
A creed stated by Richards was often
quoted: First and foremost, I should emphasize the over-
whelming importance of perfect sincerity and truth: one must
purge oneself of the very human tendency to look only at the
favorable aspects of his work … Each step should be
questioned … then, patience, patience, patience! Only by
persistent, unremitting labor can a lasting outcome be
reached.
[1, 6, 7]
Richards was also deeply devoted to his family. In 1896, he
married Miriam Stuart Thayer, daughter of a professor at the
Harvard Divinity School. Her “appreciation for his work was
extraordinarily sympathetic”. Thanks to the generosity of his
father, Richards was able to build a house not far from the
Harvard College yard. The couple had three children: their
daughter Grace Thayer became the wife of James Bryant
Conant (1893–1978), professor of chemistry and later Pres-
ident of Harvard, their son William Theodore became
a chemistry professor at Princeton, and their son Greenough
became an architect. As respite from arduous science,
summer months were reserved for long family vacations,
often at Mt. Desert Island in Maine. Although the health of
both Richards and his wife was somewhat precarious, they
enjoyed outdoor sports. For years, part of the summer was
spent on their cruising yawl. Richards was a good tennis
player in his younger years, then became “one of the earlier
devotees of golf in America [which] he never gave up”.
[6]
Likewise noted was Richards close attention to his
research students during the academic terms. He was said
“invariably” to bring encouragement and inspiration, either
through his enthusiasm or by crucial suggestions … and rouse
the students to new levels of carefulness and thoroughness.
[6]
Another perspective was expressed by Richards; in a letter
written in 1916, he said: In my experience, assistants who are
not carefully superintended may be worse than none … The
less brilliant ones often fail to understand the force of ones
suggestions, and the more brilliant ones often strike out on
blind paths of their own if not carefully watched.
[16]
That attitude led to conflicts with Gilbert Lewis, his most
brilliant student. During his postdoctoral year in Germany,
Lewis sent Richards a draft paper presenting his concept of
fugacity. He was dismayed when Richards responded, pro-
posing an addition, supplied by him, saying that Lewis had
adopted Richards idea of outward tendency, derived from the
atomic compressibility theory. That put Lewis in a difficult
position, both because he would be returning to Harvard and
because fugacity had nothing to do with outward tendency. He
answered by making clear that fugacity was his idea, but
added a diplomatic footnote rather than Richards suggestion.
Richards accepted that, but Lewis remained resentful.
[15]
When soon after, he was assisting Richards with the physical
chemistry course, Lewis had begun developing his ideas about
atoms and chemical bonds arrayed with electron pairs. He got
no encouragement from Richards, who disparaged such talk
as “Twaddle … a very crude method of representing certain
known facts”.
[16]
Richards had long cautioned that the atomic
theory of Dalton and the molecular-kinetic concepts built
upon it were merely unproven hypotheses. Into the first
decade of the 20th century, that view was still adamantly
shared by Ostwald along with Mendeleev
[17]
and many other
chemists. For Richards it seemed especially odd, considering
his new pursuit of the compressible-atom theory.
Actually, Richards preoccupation with the compressibil-
ity theory led him very close to discovering the Third Law of
Thermodyamics in 1902. He compiled data on the temper-
ature dependence of the change in both the Gibbs energy and
the enthalpy for various reactions. Richards noted definite
trends with decreasing temperature: e.g.,
DG and DH were
headed toward each other, with slopes of opposite sign
approaching zero. Within a few years, from much more such
data extending to far lower temperature, Nernst had estab-
Figure 5. Plot of atomic compressibilities and volumes versus atomic
weights (from Ref. [7]).
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lished the generality of those trends and hence the Third
Law.
[18]
For chemistry, its great importance is that it enables
determining chemical equilibrium for reactions just from
thermal properties of the reactant and product molecules.
Scrutiny of Richards papers on thermodynamics and the
compressible atom has revealed that he was handicapped by
a weak grasp of elementary calculus. He seems not to have
recognized the significance of his nascent data for the Third
Law.
[15, 16]
Later, however, he felt his observations in 1902 “are
without question the basis of Nernsts subsequent mathemat-
ical treatment”.
[8]
Richards complained bitterly that he had
not received due credit.
[15]
Although he recognized mathe-
matics was a useful tool, he did not consider it important in
the training of chemists.
[19]
In private letters, he often
disparaged scientists whom he felt dressed up unproven ideas
with mathematics. Notably, in a letter in l923 to his friend
Svante Arrhenius (1859–1927), he even questioned the Nobel
Prizes awarded shortly before to Albert Einstein and Niels
Bohr.
[16]
After acknowledging that they were “very brilliant”
and “their hypotheses are highly ingenious”, Richards wrote:
I can not help thinking, however, that it remains to be proved
whether or not the hypothesis of either is consistent with reality
… Any good mathematician can put on frills according to the
most recent mathematical fashion, but the result is unsatis-
factory if the figure inside is a doll stuffed by human hands, and
not a real being of fresh and blood. Yet, in 1924 Richards
nominated Gilbert Lewis, who had the mastery of calculus
and thermodynamic concepts that Richards lacked, for the
Nobel Prize.
Nearly 50 years after Richards death, his son-in-law, J. B.
Conant, concluded his memoir
[8]
with a poignant reflection:
The habit of attempting to foresee all possible contingencies,
which was basic to his success as a scientific investigator, placed
a heavy strain on his life as a husband and father. To worry
about the smallest detail was to be a painstaking chemist … To
carry over to daily life the same attitude condemned the
scientist to a total life of anxiety. As he approached sixty, it
became apparent to his close relatives that the nervous load
Richards had been carrying for years was too much. Yet, he
continued his lectures and went to his laboratory on his regular
schedule until within a few days of his death, on 2 April 1928.
5. Richards’ Legacy
“The light which formerly radiated from Europe to
America is now brilliantly reflected back again.” Thus spoke
Carl Grabe, the President of the German Chemical Society, in
1907, commending the remarkable quality and scope of
Richards work.
[7]
Richards at Harvard and Arthur A. Noyes
(1866–1936) at MIT are justly considered the patriarchs of
physical chemistry in America.
[20]
Today, a large fraction of
chemists pursuing the many branches of the field can trace
their academic ancestry back to Richards or Noyes. That
outshines the hard-won experimental results amassed by
Richards, although in fact many of his thermodynamic and
electrochemical data still abide in tables that are widely used.
In contrast, there looms the enigma of his stubborn courtship
of the compressible-atom theory. He violated his creed of
caution about hypotheses, by failing to purge himself of the
human tendency to overvalue his theory while overlooking
other explanations for the correlations that he observed. In
doing so, he neglected the profound advances in atomic
theory taking place in the first decades of the 20th century.
Despite the emphasis on history in his courses, he was nearly
oblivious to the dramatic gestation of quantum mechanics.
This aspect of Richards legacy is a cautionary tale.
Conant recalled
[21]
that as late as 1921 Richards had said
he was far from convinced that any element ever spontaneously
disintegrated … what was observed might be due to the action
of some all-pervading radiation. Conant regarded that as the
“last stand of a retreating skeptic”. Yet, should we not muster
some empathy? What for Richards was the “primal mystery”
of atomic weights, might nowadays be considered a “fantastic
reality”.
[22]
Last year, the Nobel Prize for Physics celebrated
the theory confirming how matter acquires mass, at least the
ordinary matter that we can observe. A press release, titled
“Here at Last!” described how “Everything from flowers to
… planets” (including atoms) acquires mass “from contact
with an invisible field that fills up all space”, the Higgs boson
field.
[23]
Experimental confirmation of the theory took
40 years and the labor of 10 000 physicists!
T. W. Richards closed his Nobel Lecture
[12]
with this
benediction: Each generation builds upon the results of its
predecessors … In years to come, let us hope that yet finer
means of research and yet deeper chemical knowledge may
make possible further improvements, yielding for mankind
a more profound and far-reaching knowledge of the secrets of
the wonderful Universe in which our lot is cast.
Received: July 22, 2014
Published online: October 16, 2014
[1] T. W. Richards, quoted by G. S. Forbes, J. Chem. Educ. 1932, 9,
452.
[2] W. H. Brock, The Norton History of Chemistry, Norton, New
York, 1992.
[3] A. J. Ihde, Science 1969, 164, 647; A. J. Ihde, Development of
Modern Chemistry, Harper & Row, New York, 1964.
[4] Avogadros analysis of experimental data on gas reactions
revealed that hydrogen, oxygen, nitrogen, and halogen gases
were diatomic molecules, water was H
2
O, and ammonia NH
3
.
Although aware of Avogradros results, Dalton clung to his “rule
of greatest simplicity”, maintaining that gases were atomic,
water was OH, and ammonia NH.
[5] This essay is drawn chiefly from memoirs by Richards contem-
poraries: G. S. Forbes,
[1]
G. P. Baxter,
[6]
H. Hartley
[7]
and J. B.
Conant,
[8]
as well as from Richards own summary of his research
up to 1914 (written in third person) and publication list, both
included in Ref. [8]. Also consulted to check some details were
the comprehensive Ph.D. thesis of S. J. Kopperl
[9]
and Richards
diaries and personal correspondence available in the Harvard
University Archives.
[6] G. P. Baxter, Science 1928, 68, 333.
[7] Theodore William Richards Memorial Lecture: H. Hartley, J.
Chem. Soc. 1930, 1937.
[8] J. B. Conant, Natl. Acad. Sci. 1974, 44, 251. This biographical
Memoir of Theodore William Richards is also available at http://
www.nasonline.org/publications/biographical-memoirs/memoir-
pdfs/richards-theodore-w.pdf.
.
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[9] S. J. Kopperl, The Scientific Work of Theodore William Richards,
Ph.D. Thesis, University of Wisconsin, 1970 (available from
University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan); see also S. J.
Kopperl, J. Chem. Educ. 1983, 60, 738.
[10] The Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences did not announce the
1914 prize until November, 1915; see H. G. Sçderbaum, http://
www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/chemistry/laureates/1914/
present.html.
[11] T. W. Richards, M. E. Lembert, J. Am. Chem. Soc. 1914, 36, 1329.
[12] T. W. Richards, Nobel Lecture, 1919 (see http://www.nobelprize.
{org/nobel_prizes/chemistry/laureates/1914/richards-lectur-
e.html). Richards never delivered his lecture personally in
Stockholm; he intended to do so on a trip in 1922 but was
thwarted by a family illness.
[13] F. W. Aston, Mass Spectra and Isotopes, Edward Arnold,
London, 1942.
[14] J. P. Cooke, T. W. Richards, J. Am. Chem. Soc. 1888, 10, 81.
Ironically, however, the result initially reported by Crooke and
Richards was 15.953
Æ 0.0017, seemingly supporting the Prout
prediction. An important correction, pointed out by Lord
Rayleigh, had to be made for the contraction of the bulb
containing the hydrogen when it was evacuated. Likely this early
experience fostered Richards meticulous scrutiny of possible
sources of error in all his later work.
[15] P. Coffey, Cathedrals of Science: The Personalities and Rivalries
That Made Modern Chemistry, Oxford University Press, 2008,
pp. 48 – 51, 78 – 80, and 157 – 158.
[16] J. W. Servos, Physical Chemistry from Ostwald to Pauling,
Princeton University Press, 1990, p. 81 and 118.
[17] M. D. Gordin, Dmitrii Mendeleev and the Shadow of the Periodic
Table, Basic Books, New York, 2004, pp. 24 – 25.
[18] D. K. Barkan, Walther Nernst and the Transition to Modern
Physical Science, Cambridge University Press, 1999.
[19] As an undergraduate in 1925, J. Robert Oppenheimer took
Richards course in physical chemistry, but came away feeling it
was “a very meager hick course … tentative and timid; Richards
was afraid of even rudimentary mathematics”. Quoted in
Ref. [16].
[20] E. B. Wilson, Jr., Proc. Welch Foundation 1977, 20, 106. Edgar
Bright Wilson, Jr. (1908 – 1992), my Ph.D. mentor, was a leading
architect of chemical physics and quantum chemistry; he held
the T. W. Richards chair at Harvard for 30 years.
[21] J. B. Conant, Science 1970, 168, 425.
[22] F. Wilczek, Fantastic Realities, World Scientific, Singapore, 2006,
pp. 57 – 80. Despite the reluctance noted by Conant, later
Richards concluded that “beyond reasonable doubt” sponta-
neous disintegration of radium occurs and “the theory of atomic
disintegration seems to be well supported.” See p. 22 and 25 in
T.W. Richards, Chem. Rev. 1924, 1, 1 – 40.
[23] L. Randall, Higgs Discovery: The Power of Empty Space,
HarperCollins, New York, 2013.
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