increase in legalization over the past two decades. In a legalized system, third-party
adjudication provides a focal point for agreement, reducing the likelihood of protracted
both the rules and their enforcement. Substantively, legalization has facilitated the pro
gressive extension of rights, and legal protection, to oppressed persons and peoples.
Even in situations when formal legalization is not feasible, an orientation toward legali
zation can promote the rise of ‘soft law’, which helps reduce uncertainty and facilitate
institutions than to the properties of any single institution. Coherent institutions or clus
ters of institutions have clear lines of authority linking them, so that for any given situa
tion it is clear which rules apply, or at least which adjudicatory institutions are authorized
to determine which rules apply. To denote an institution or set of institutions as an ‘inter
national regime’ is to indicate a fairly high degree of coherence, as was the case with
Keohane
129
international monetary institutions in the years of pegged exchange rates (1958−71) and
with the World Trade Organization in its first years. As I suggested, I see signs that the
coherence of international regimes is declining. In several domains regimes or attempted
regimes are becoming ‘regime complexes’: loosely coupled arrangements of rules,
norms and institutions marked both by connections between several specific functionally
related institutions and by the absence of an overall architecture or hierarchy that struc
tures the whole set.
10
Finally, there seems to have been a rise in legalism and moralism in the discourse of
international relations. Legalism and moralism are not properties of institutions but
rather of the
human mind
. Legalism is the belief that moral and political progress can be
made through the extension of law. Moralism is the belief that moral principles provide
valuable, if not necessarily sufficient, guides to how political actors should behave, and
that actions by those in power can properly be judged on the basis of their conformity to
general moral principles developed chiefly to govern the actions of individuals.
Although many authors, particularly international legal scholars, have celebrated both
legalism and legalization without distinguishing them, I wish to distinguish them from
one another in this essay, since I am particularly ambivalent about legalism. I believe
with E. H. Carr that law, and its efficacy, always rests on structures of power. So legal
ism, when taken as the description of a causal process, seems misleading to me in an
ideological sense: that is, it can serve as a veil, hiding the exercise of power. In practice,
the application of law can become quite uneven under situations of unequal power, lead
ing to a form of what Stephen Krasner calls ‘organized hypocrisy’.
11
E. H. Carr was critical of utopian thinking, which is often moralistic; and he was also
critical of legalism. As he said, ‘Law is a function of political society, is dependent for its
development on the development of that society, and is conditioned by the political pre
suppositions which that society shares in common.’
12
So an appropriate entry-point into
our inquiry is to start with Carr’s own thinking about morality in world politics and the
role of law. What would Carr, observing the revival of legalism and moralism in world
politics, make of their revival? We cannot really answer this question, but in this essay I
take up some of E. H. Carr’s themes to see what insights, and cautions, they may raise
about contemporary international liberalism, and the moralistic and legalistic tone that it
seems increasingly to be taking.
I begin with the revival of moralism, since it is fundamental – often providing a justi
fication for legalization and legalism – and it seems to me relatively easy to explain. I
will then turn to legalization and legalism, seeking to account for their growth as well.
Finally, I reflect on what appears to be a counter-trend: the growing incoherence of major
international regimes and the failure of coherent regimes to emerge in other areas, where
functional arguments might expect them to develop.
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