Uncompleted interview with Basya Goldmacher



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B.G. I think it would be interesting to tell you the story of my uncle, David Pystrov, who was the youngest in the mother’s family. Uncle David was a prominent Zionist leader in the city of Bendery. He was the participant of various Zionist conferences in Berlin, Zurich, and other cities. He got married to my aunt from my father’s side, sister Sonya. Their son, Menashe was almost like a brother to me, because he had the Kishinevsky’s and Pystrov’s blood running through his veins. By the way, when I was visiting them, I was kindly asked to look after ‘my little brother’ when he was sleeping – keep the flies away, so he can rest peacefully. After all, Bendery was the ‘kingdom of fruit and vegetables’, and there were more than enough flies.








Photo #8 Uncle David with Aunt Sonya, son Menashe and daughter-in-law Meyra with the first grandchildren. Petah Tikva, 1967.


Photo #9 Pystrov’s family resting at their summer house in Borysovka. First from the left - Basya (sitting), second row (sitting): Uncle David, Aunt Sonya, and Basya’s mother Feyga, Bendery, 1926

As I mentioned earlier, my uncle was the member of the ‘Poaley Zion’ (Hebrew: ‘workers of Zion’), Ben Gurion’s party. He was also the leader of the Joint Committee of all Bendery Zionist organizations.

He was a book keeper by profession. For many years he worked as an accountant at the ‘Hebrew Free Loan Society’, or, better to say, the cashier ‘of Jewish Benevolent Fund’. My aunt was a librarian and she was managing the city’s Jewish Library.

Uncle David was actually the organizer and fundraiser for the ‘Keren Kayemet L’Israel’ and ‘Keren Hayesod’, of all charity balls. To make a long story short, my uncle was ‘the primary’ Zionist Leader in Bendery.

He was supposed to leave with Aunt Sonya to Palestine in 1935, but suddenly, my uncle got pneumonia. He survived, but the doctors highly recommended postponing the trip to Palestine for at least a couple of years and improving his lungs.

When Romania was getting more and more anti –Semitic and the activity of all Zionist organizations was forbidden, the government started to persecute the leading Zionists of Romania. One morning, my grandfather was visited by Mr. Popescu, the Head of Bendery ‘Sigurantsa’ (Secret Service), which warned him about the order he received to arrest my uncle David: ‘You have three days. I cannot hold back for longer. Do something’.

Another thing to mention is that my grandfather Joseph, besides other ‘intermediary works’, sometimes solved the problems that people had with the authorities. He wasn’t only a wise man; he had a special approach to people. He was well trusted, especially by city authorities. Popescu and he had many ‘deals’ together. In other words, Popescu received many bribes from my grandfather. He was the head of Secret Service after all, and even the judges listened to what he had to say. That is why, he came that day to my grandfather, returning the favors, and cautiously warned him about the nasty order he got.
N.G. This is an original story, indeed. It occurs to me, that there were more good people among the Romanian officials then among the ‘most people’s soviet officials’. What was next?
B.G. Despite the fact that it was 1937, the year when the British government cut the number of ‘certificates’ allowing legal entrance to Palestine, my uncle contacted the ‘Merkaz’, the center of Zionist organizations in Kishinev , and received the certificates for both himself and Aunt Sonya on the very same day. On the third day they ‘vanished’ from Bendery. In a week, they were already on a boat taking them from Constanta to Palestine.
N.G. Another unique story. How was their life in Palestine, taking into account the express way they left and no time to prepare in advance?
B.G. My uncle found a job in Palestine pretty quickly. Let us not forget that he was the member of the ruling party of Palestine, supporter of Ben Gurion. In 1937 Palestine was just at the beginning of its agricultural development, which later unfolded into kibbutzim and moshavot. The country was facing major problems with food supplies.

They moved to the suburbs of Tel-Aviv, a place that later became the village of Petach-Tikva. Basically, they were the founders of the village. Aunt Sonya started her household with chicken, goats for milk, vegetable garden, etc. I would say that the beginning was very tough. The village they started was constantly growing and developing together with the country. When their son, my cousin Menashe, grew up, he participated in all wars that Israel waged. He got married and has four children. All of them are married by now, and Menashe, if I am not mistaken, has 13 grandchildren.


N. G. Basya, you mentioned that this big Romanian boss was ‘slapped in his face?’ What story is this?
B. G. One day, I was returning from visiting my grandmother Rachel. On my way home, I met the Head of the Secret Service, Mr. Popescu. He definitely knew I was the granddaughter of Joseph, the person he had ‘deals’ with, and it seems to me he respected my grandfather a lot. He stopped and told me: ‘Young lady, what are you hanging out on the streets at such a late hour?’ (He called me ‘domnishoara’, which is the Romanian ‘a young lady’). I was offended by him saying ‘hanging out’, like I was a street girl… I slightly slapped him in the face for offending my ‘woman’s pride’.
N. G. Unbelievable. And what was afterwards? Did he arrest you?
B. G. Oh, no. He just told me: ‘Silly girl!’ Turned around and left. In a couple of days, when he met my grandfather, Joseph, he complained about my reaction. My grandfather told me angrily: ‘Basya, it seems to me you forget where we live. He could have arrested you and keep you in jail for a long time.’

I replied with the same words: ‘Why did he say I was ‘hanging out’, like I am a street girl?’

My grandfather was not satisfied with my explanation and continued: ‘Be aware, and make sure this will not happen again. He will not forgive you next time.’ And he was right.

I wasn’t supposed to walk late without somebody accompanying me. You never know, what might happen to you. It was a lesson learned about my behavior.


N.G. Basya, we got so involved in the stories of your mother’s generation. Let’s go back to the stories of your parents. You mentioned that in your childhood you lived with your mother and her parents. How come?
B. G. I lived without my father since I was three years old. He was a photographer and a business man at the same time. He had extensive business contacts in Russia. After Bessarabia became a part of Romania, he continued visiting Russia. Of course, this was done through contraband ways. After all, Bendery was the border city between Romania and Soviet Russia.

During one of his visits, he was caught by the Soviet border patrols and was accused of ‘espionage in favor of bourgeois Romania’ and was sentenced to death. After a while, the sentence was changed to 15 years in a concentration camp. He spent 10 years in Stalin’s concentration camps.











Photo #10, 11 Basya’s father Abraham and mother Feyga in youth, Bendery 1908.
In the concentration camp, he got sick with tuberculosis and was released to ‘die in freedom’.

The family did not have any information about him for a long time. That is the reason my mother moved back to her parents with her kids (my elder brother Grisha and me). You can say that I grew up without a father.

Going much ahead, I will tell you, that after the World War II, when Peyrets, my mother and I were in Siberia, my father found us in the city of Omsk. The family reunited for a while. I already had a small son in my hands. Everybody was happy; especially my mother as she waited and always believed my father was alive.

Soon, we got a piece of bad news from Bendery - my elder brother Grisha was arrested. My brother worked as a driver and was accused of speculations with documents and of stealing a truckload of sugar. He was married, had two small children. My brother bravely defended himself; after all, he participated in war, was wounded and was awarded governmental medals. He had personal attitude towards the Nazi. In his letter from the battlefield he wrote: ‘I am here to revenge our grandmothers and grandfathers, all our relatives, our entire nation, who suffered from Hitler’s crooks.’








Photo #12 Grisha in Vienna, Red Army, 1944

My father left to Bendery to offer support to my brother’s family. By bribing someone, he managed to cut the sentence to one year detention in prison. In winter, he was standing in long lines to take food to Grisha, a fact that cost him his life. He did not even have the last chance to see my brother. All year, before my brother’s release, he spent with my brother’s wife Raya and his small children. He knew the ‘soviet law’ so well, and while trying to make Grisha’s wife feel better, he, himself was hopeless and did not believe in miracles. All he went through left deep traces on his health that was already weakened by long years of detention. A couple of weeks before Grisha’s release, my father passed away. He didn’t wait for Peyrets, who was on his way to Bendery to give a helping hand. My husband only managed to get there in time for the funeral.








Photo #13 Visiting the brother (from left standing) Grisha, Grisha’s elder son Izya and Peyrets (from left sitting), Grisha’s wife Raya, Basya’s mother-Feyga and Basya, Bendery 1975








Photo #14 At the wedding of Grisha’s youngest son Alexander, Bendery 1967


N. G. You keep mentioning your husband Peyrets Goldmacher who is a well-known leader in our community. How did you meet him? When did you understand you were meant for each other? You have been together for 70 years already. Fantastic!
B. G. I read somewhere a quotation that I liked ‘Love is not when two people are looking at each other but in the same direction’. That is the case of Peyrets and me; we looked to the Middle East, more precisely, toward Eretz Yisrael. Although, I will tell you a secret, it did not hurt us to look at each other as well. Let me start from the very beginning.

Zionist movement in Bendery, as well as in the whole Romania and Central and Eastern Europe (before the Zionist movement was outlawed in Soviet Russia after the October Revolution) became widespread and extremely popular among Jewish youth.








Photo #15 The members of ‘Hashomer Hatsair’ in camp, Carpathia, Romania 1938
The new generation lost their belief in the idea that solving the Jewish problem could be achieved by enlightenment, progress and liberalization in the countries of their residence (Bund’s ideology). The events that occurred in the first third of the 20th century, specifically the brutal anti-Semitism that seized the whole European continent, set even the last illusions at rest. The national idea of peoplehood, nation and state revival became a guiding light for the Jewish youth. The lucky happy star was shining in the East for us. We were strangers here in the ‘Galut’. It was important to choose a new path, a path that would lead to Zion, to the land of our ancestors. This was our Homeland, our destiny. That was the political, ideological, and moral credo of our generation.

Most of the Jewish young people were overwhelmed with Zionist socialistic Ideology and were deeply impressed by the tragic events of hatred and persecution of the Jews. Many of my peers were joining such organizations as ‘Beitar’ or ‘Hashomer Hatsair’, the most radical movements of the Socialist Zionist spectrum.

Like true romantic ideologists, by means of making Aliyah, we sought to reinvigorate the Palestinian socialist movement and feel the joy of being a part of this grandiose project of rebuilding our own historic state. The Kibbutz movement was quickly emerging, and by the time the World War II erupted there were around fifty kibbutz settlements in the land of Israel.

Serious training was needed in order to turn our dream into reality. The candidates were distinctively calling themselves ‘Halutzim’, which means pioneers. A specialized labor and political training called ‘Hahshara’ was carried out by youth organizations. We worked at farms and small factories owned by wealthy Jews who supported the Romanian Zionist movement.

The main goal was to train professionals to colonize Palestine, learn to live the communal life where everything was shared including food and clothing.

We studied Hebrew, the history of the Kibbutz movement, the Jewish history. The training was not pretentious, but serious and challenging. There were times we even had to starve. Not everyone was able to withstand it. Those who survived and overcame all difficulties became well prepared and convinced pioneers ready for all the troubles that were awaiting them in the process of obtaining their Homeland. Gradually, we were changing ourselves. The new Jew emerged that formed the core of the nation; the Galut fear was vanishing and inferiority complex was gradually fading. Revival of the state came hand in hand with the nation’s revival.

We rightly considered ourselves the vanguard of the Zionist movement, people who were supposed to turn ‘the dream into reality’. We were aware of the serious political disputes among Haim Weizmann, Ben Gurion, and Vladimir Jabotinsky. I do remember the words of Jabotinsky who said that the ability to shoot was essential in the process of education and national revival. He considered our training too ‘pacifistic’.

Despite all the drawbacks, the role of pioneers in the history of Zionist movement was unique. Halutzim represented a moral example and romantic goal of Jews all around the world. I think the kibbutz will forever stay as memorial of Zionist epics.









Photo #16 After the end of ‘Hahshara’. New generation of Halutzim. From right: Peyrets, Basya, Fayvel.

Bendery 1939






N. G. Peyrets and you talk intensively about ‘Hashomer Hatsair’ youth organization. Why was it so attractive for you?
B. G. Hashomer Hatsair’s methods of upbringing were special. The organization used elitist methods of upbringing and education. That is why it left a deep trace in my conscious and the conscious of my peers.

The organization used scout methods of education like hiking, traveling, camping and sports competitions. Even the uniform, which we proudly wore, was copied from scouts and it contained shorts, boots, and shirts with special sewn pockets, scarves and other distinctive elements.

Soviet pioneers also copied something from the scouts. As wired as it may sound it was the well-known ties. The difference was that the soviet pioneers had their red ties – the color of their red flag; while the scouts had the green ties - the color of nature.

Our daily shirts were grey, while the holiday ones were white. Our assemblies were very interesting. We, the Bessarabian Jewish youth, usually gathered in Chisinau. The meetings started with Israeli and Jewish songs. An extensive educational program on history of Zionism and its leaders was carried out during these meetings. We discussed the socialist reforms in Palestine and Marxism. The general knowledge lectures were very complex as well. We were calling our improvised school ‘ulpan’. ‘Will you come to Ulpan today?’ or ‘I will meet you at Ulpan’. This term was always at the tips of our tongues. The ‘meetings’ took place in joyful atmosphere with songs and dances, which, by the way, did not stop but rather facilitated the absorption of serious cultural-historical programs.

Our summer camp was situated in the suburbs of Bendery. The place was called Borisovka. It was a beautiful and picturesque place with orchards and vineyards all around. It looked like ‘heaven on earth’. Traveling with our fellows to the camp was a true holiday for Peyrets and me. Our trips to camps in Carpathian Mountains and in Transylvania, located to the left of the mountains, had the same significance to us.
N. G. Basya, you are telling that mostly children from ‘good families’, more or less wealthy ones became members of these types of organizations. Why? It would seem logical if young people from wealthy families go to more ‘prestigious’ right wing organizations such as ‘Beitar’ or ‘Makkabi’. How do you explain such a paradox?
B. G. It is not quite true. A part of our peers from wealthy families attended ‘Beitar’ or ‘Makkabi’, while another one was going to ‘Hashomer Hatsair’. Only later, I understood that there was a purpose for ‘Hashomer Hatsair’ to try involving the ‘golden’ youth. I believe that the main idea was that the more educated and literate young people would understand better these complex ideas of Zionism. Indeed, the ideas of nations’ revival, the revival of historical land of Israel in conjunction with building of socialistic agricultural communes were not easy to grasp. Apparently, this was the politics of the ideological leadership of ‘Hashomer Hatsair’.

The young people from modest families were attending, for instance, such organizations as ‘Gordonya’. This organization, using modern terms, was following the ‘labor’ ideas of Gordon, Ben Gurion and other Zionist politicians. It doesn’t mean, though, that the son of a tailor could not attend ‘Beitar’ or ‘Makkabi’ as well as ‘Hashomer Hatsair’. There were a few young people from some poor families in our group as well.


N. G. For me this is completely different example of Jewish youth upbringing; it is a different spirit. Perhaps it was not easy to create and implement all of this into reality. How did you, the ‘green’ youth, learn to use these methods?
B. G. It was a well thought and organized process. The political leaders of our kibbutzim (they were members of the Israeli kibbutzim movement ‘Kibbutz Haartzi’) set up the ‘Shlihim’ system (Hebrew: messengers). They sent two-three Shlihim who were experienced teachers and political leaders, to each country including Romania. Twice or three times a year they organized seminars for the members of Central Committee of Romanian ‘Hashomer Hatsair’. These well-trained activists in turn were training the local preeminent activists. After this, it was compulsory for certain local activists (for ½ year or a year) to visit other organizations as ‘Shlihim’ and work with the local members or better say, lead them ideologically.
N. G. Indeed, well thought and original system of education and leadership of local organizations. Who was supporting these ‘Shlihim’? Did they get a salary?
B. G. What are you talking about, Nelly? What salary? These people were ideologists. This was their community and political duty to their people and their organization. They were supposed to support themselves, meaning they had to find ways to feed themselves. Usually they were teaching Hebrew. We helped them find students. If they were not fluent in Hebrew, they were looking for beginners to tutor them. Of course, the members of our organization, after discussing with parents, invited them for ‘Shabbat’. Peyrets had more chances than others did as his family owned a restaurant. Overall, nobody could take them ‘under their wing’ to sustain them. I don’t think they were well fed all the times. Let’s not forget we talk about ideologists, dreaming of changing ‘the whole Jewish world’ and each of them had to contribute with their hard work and sacrifices.
N. G. It seems they were not quite satiated there. Can you recall some specific ‘Shlihim’?
B. G. Of course I can. When I only started going to ‘ulpan’ we had a ‘shliha’ named Pnina. She was from Beltsy, if I am not mistaken, a city that had a strong ‘Hashomer Hatsair’ organization. An extremely pleasant young girl that was only four or five years elder that us. She impressed me a lot: a true young lady, pioneer and dreamer. She became my first role model; that was how I always envisioned ‘Halutzim’.
N. G. The things you recall look fantastic. But is that true that these ‘Shlihim’ were so keen to go to different towns and ‘live half starving’?
B. G. As far as I know, not all of them. The thing is that the Political Committee of Romanian Zionist movement had its own ‘lever’. It was the ‘priority list for emigrating on ‘Aliyah Bet’ system. The candidate was asked to go for a year to a city as ‘shaliah’. Upon his/her consent, the candidate’s departing date got one year closer. After all, the first one to be sent to Palestine was the most active people that were devoted to Zionist ideology. It was the most effective tool for those who were willing to get to Palestine as soon as possible. Young men were mostly interested as they were recruited into Romanian army at a certain age. Believe me, this was not an attractive perspective for young men.

N. G. As strange as it might sound, your ‘Halutzim’ remind me of Russian ‘professional revolutionaries’. The same sort of sincerity, commitment, despise of money are similar in both groups. These qualities were characteristic to Marxist revolutionaries of the ‘first call’.









Photo # 17 Basya in Bendery - ‘halutza’ expecting departure to Palestine, 1940

Photo # 18 Peyrets in Bendery City Park expecting departure to Palestine, 1939.


B. G. The twentieth century was rich with noble ideas and high goals. Of course, there were ideological knights and pioneers in different political movements. It is worth mentioning that only the Zionist idea was brought to life.

By the way, there was a tight competition among potential pioneers for the right to depart first. The most active teachers were rewarded for their contribution and had the chance to get on the top of the list. I would say that there definitely was a moral stimulus. That was a certain ‘lever’ used by the leadership of Romanian Zionist movement.


N. G. It was in ‘Hashomer Hatsair’ that you first met Peyrets? Was it then when you started your common journey?



B. G. I heard about Goldmacher family and their wonderful sons before. There were three of them. Peyrets was the youngest one in the family. We were the same age. It was during our activity in our youth Zionist organization that I took a closer look at him. It turned out that we had a lot in common: favorite books, poems, but the most important were the same goals and principles.

Peyrets never loved dancing; this was my element and my passion. I loved singing as well. It was the impact of my aunts’ musical education. Peyrets confessed later, after one of our camp concerts, that he was highly impressed with such a small girl possessing such a powerful voice.

I recalled how we climbed the Petrosul pick of 2200 meters high in the Carpathian Mountains. Peyrets was carrying my back pack and was trying hard to be helpful. In return he was getting the ‘don’t worry, I will do it myself’ answer. Carpathian Mountains are all covered with coniferous forests with only pines growing on the top. We had a local person as a guide. I remember how we went through different towns marching like scouts under the sounds of drums, wearing holiday uniforms.

That was our youth, the beautiful and naive youth. Jabotinsky was right when he spoke about the lack of military training by the Zionist youth. It is funny now to remember that he was considered an ‘extremist’. But that time all of us were optimists and were able to enjoy life at its full extent. The fact that Peyrets came along on these trips made them even more captivating.


N. G. How was your ‘university’ training? How were Peyrets and you preparing for the new life in Palestine?
B. G. I got my first Zionist education at home. As I mentioned already, my family was well educated and wealthy. My mother liked music and reading books. We had interesting visitors in our house: writers, journalists, artists, musicians, financiers, and of course political leaders including supporters of Zionism.

I ingested this extraordinary atmosphere. Apparently, I was quite an advanced girl for my generation. At five, I was already reading Russian books and at six I easily read ‘Notes of a Doll’, ‘Notes of a Young Gymnast’ and other Russian books written by Lydya Charsky, a writer of children books.

On Fridays I was helping my mother lit up the Shabbat candles and said the traditional Hebrew prayer.

We had two small boxes in the house. I was putting money for Israel in the whitish-blue box, while in the other one, which had an ivory color; I put money for the needy members of the Jewish community. Charity, after all, is a noble Jewish tradition. The word ‘tsedaka’ came to me with my ‘mother’s milk’. My grandfather used to say that if a person asks for help, you should help him with everything you can without asking questions.







Photo № 18а. The box to collect money for the Jewish National Fund for Israel (English version).

David Perstov, my mother’s brother, was the leading activist of Zionist ‘Poaley Zion’ party, while my mother was the member of the Women’s Zionist Organization.

I remember that my mother and Aunt Sonya (my father’s sister) took me to help them raise money for ‘Keren Kayemet Le’Israel’ – the Jewish Foundation. The fundraising was devoted to ‘TU B’Shvat’ (a ‘New Year’ for trees festival in Israel). We gathered so called ‘gift bags’ with fruit growing in Israel. Then, the members of the youth organizations delivered these bags to Jewish homes and raised money for Zionist Foundations. When I grew older, I was raising money for Israel as well.

I do also recall the balls. Women, members of Zionist group, organized them for raising money for Israel charity foundations. Young people cooked various treats, made costumes and sent out invitations. What wonderful concerts they organized, with music, dances, and masquerade! Imagination was the key to all. We, gymnasium students, were working as ‘waitresses’. People were putting their donations on the trays. All the money was directed towards the development of the settlement movement in Palestine.

Peyrets, who was a natural leader, was already the head of one of Bendery’s Youth Zionist organization. He impressed me with his confidence, courage, and determination. I have to confess that meeting him influenced me a lot in the sense of my personality formation. It identified my entire destiny.
N. G. As I understood, you had a well-developed Jewish identity even before meeting Peyrets. You and your chosen one had a happy and happy-go-lucky childhood as well as a fortunate youth. Identity is good, but I cannot believe that by 17-18 years old you were ready and used to hard labor (I suppose you had maids at home), and had the ability to overcome difficulties. In the real world I guess you did not have much trouble.
B. G. That is the reason we ‘reached out to the people’. Jewish youth and intellectuals, getting ready to become pioneers, started to acquire professional skills immediately. Young people abandoned prestigious universities and enrolled in Jewish vocational schools (ORT).

The basic profession for the young women was seamstress. When I turned 17, I together with some of my girlfriends went to Romanian city of Bacau. There was a large factory that was managed by a businessman who was compassionate toward Zionism. That was exactly my ‘labor training’ before the trip to Palestine. These Halutz communities received small stipends from Jewish charity Foundations. Of course, our parents sent us food packages that immediately became ‘community’ property, and in almost half an hour there was nothing left of them. On Saturdays, we were taken to different homes for Shabbat.

After we finished our ‘vocational training’, we were sent to agricultural work such as plowing, harvesting, milking the cows, and housekeeping. We had our practical training in agricultural manors. The Romanian name for them was ‘moshya’. I do remember how Mikhail, local Moldavian manager, was teaching us how to work the land. He was deeply surprised that such educated and literate young people could not see the difference between weeds and crops. ‘What do they teach you in gymnasiums’? – He was constantly asking.

Peyrets, who was trained as a ‘baker’, once decided to treat us with homemade bread. Though it was his first attempt and the bread came out lumpy, we all enjoyed it before it would turn into coals. I never got to the second attempt, as never again in his life did my husband bake again; neither bread, nor buns.

As for me, I learned to sew and knit very well. Needlework has been my hobby and recreation for many years.

There were around forty young Zionists on this country mansion. These were the last prewar years. We didn’t feel the war coming our way, we lived joyfully and friendly. Who could foresee the future? Who would have thought then that many of our comrades would perish in the flames of war and Holocaust?



N. G. What was your parents’ attitude towards long separation? After all, your departure was planned seriously and would last for long. It wasn’t a holiday trip you were going to. Weren’t they afraid to let you, young and inexperienced, go away from them?
B. G. Our parents were companionate and were sharing our love to the reviving Homeland. Probably deep down, they were worried and nervous facing the upcoming separation. Yet, they never showed it and never tried to make us change our minds. Moreover, relatives were collecting money for me as I had the intention to continue my studies in Palestine and graduate an agricultural school for girls. The tuition was thirty thousand lei.

Peyrets and I thought that upon settling in a kibbutz we would be able to take our parents and bring them to live with us after they would spend few more years in Diaspora.

Some of my relatives lived in Palestine already. For instance, one of my grandfather’s partners who was also a banker. In 1936, he sold his bank, moved to Bucharest and started sending fruit and vegetables to Palestine. The money for the produced he kept in the bank of Palestine… After a while, when the biggest part of the money was this way sent to Palestine, he moved there together with his kids. This shrewd plan was necessary, as it was impossible to directly take money to Palestine. It was forbidden to take money out of Romania. As far as you can see, some Jews were more far–sighted than others.

Definitely, our education and upbringing in Romania was much different from that of those young assimilated Jews in the 1920’s – 1930’s in the Soviet Union, where Zionism was outlawed.



II. In Bendery. Soviet Bessarabia
N. G. Basya, let us talk about the most dramatic events in your and Peyrets’ life. How did it happen that both of you found yourselves in Bessarabia when the Soviet power took over?
B. G. As I mentioned previously, by the beginning of the 1940 we both successfully completed our ‘Halutzim’ training for the trip to Palestine. We were included in the ‘Aliyah Bet’ lists. We waited for the opportunity to sail away to Palestine illegally on the ship that was purchased for transportation of people like us. Peyrets was assigned to return to Bendery and together with his friend Fayvel Gorodetsky continue leading the local ‘Hashomer Hatsair’ organization to prepare the next generation to become pioneers-Halutzim. By that time, our organization was working underground since in the late 1930’s the activity of Zionist organizations in Romania was banned. Under the influence of Nazi Germany, which became even more aggressive and influential in Central Europe, anti-Semitism was getting stronger in the Romanian government as well.

I decided to go to Bucharest before my departure to say goodbye to my aunt Zyna and uncle Lyova with who I was in a very close relationship. On the same occasion I wanted to try to push my way up on the list of the applicants for the agricultural college in Palestine. This educational institution for young girls was called ‘Meshek Hapoalot’.

We were notified that our turn for departure is approaching. The next ship with ‘Halutzim’ was to depart Constanta port (Romania) in September of 1940. The ship was on repairs at that time. My mother asked Peyrets to go to Bucharest and bring me home so that I could spend the last months with her. After all, Palestine was considered then a faraway country. It took about three weeks to get there sailing through the Black and Mediterranean Seas.

Peyrets easily convinced me to return home with him. And we got back to Bendery on June 20 1940, if I am not mistaken. On June 28, 1940, the Red Army entered Bendery. It was then that the gates for departure closed for many years ahead.


N. G. I suppose it was your destiny, Basya. Had you stayed in Bucharest, you would end up in Israel whereas Peyrets could not get there from Bendery. This means that both your and Peyrets’ lives would be different. But tell me please, how did the Jewish population of Bessarabia react to the Red Army arrival and to the establishment of Soviet power?

What was Peyrets’ and your attitude regarding this event?
B. G. I remember how the Red Army arrived on Friday. Usually my grandmother started preparing ‘the Saturday challah’ on Thursday evening. She considered that the challos made in bakeries not true ‘Saturday challos’. On Friday morning she already put her challos in the hot oven. I helped her with cleaning the apartment and getting it prepared for Saturday.

That specific moment, Peyrets rushed to me and told me to leave everything and go with him to the bridge. The Red Army was crossing the bridge over the Dniester River. That was true; the army was crossing the bridge. I do remember how Peyrets, who was politicized despite his young age, said: ‘All is good except one most important thing. I am afraid that these ‘guests’ will strongly interfere with our plans to leave to Palestine. Who knows how this new government will change our destiny’.

He was right this time. Soviets delayed our departure from the Soviet Union for 40 long years!

The troops kept coming and coming. Suddenly Peyrets told me - ‘Look, this man with many decorations must be their leader, Timoshenko’. I didn’t like the man. He was bold and old. I presume he was over 40 years old. For us, green youth, he was an extremely old military person. Semen Timoshenko, as we found out later, was born in Bessarabia in the village of Furmanka.

Back then, we knew nothing about the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact or the secret protocols that allowed Hitler to start the WWII and not be afraid of second Eastern front. We did not understand that it was actually a new turn in history and we would be involved in a bloody massacre.

Stalin’s friendship with Hitler strengthened anti – Semitism in the Soviet Union. We understood all of this later, when after becoming ‘overnight’ Soviet citizens, we started to realize, slowly but gradually, what the Soviet government was all about.

Initially, the local Jewish population was somehow positive about the change of government in Bessarabia. As I said, the Romanian governments were replacing each other, with every next becoming more anti-Semitic than the previous, trying to please and to be friends with the aggressive Nazi Germany.

We, educated in the spirit of ‘Hashomer Hatsair’ and Marxism, believed that the ‘friendship of all nations’, ‘brotherhood of all people’ slogans were realities in the Soviet state. It took some time for both Peyrets and me to realize that the slogan ‘there should not be rich and poor in a proletarian state’ meant in fact that all people should be ‘equally poor’. The socialist country, based on ‘Marx-Lenin-Stalin’ party understanding, meant that all countries’ wealth, including its natural resources, factories, plants, agricultural lands, houses in cities and villages, was literally nationalized and belonged to the only owner - the Soviet State. Moreover, this state based on empty words was called ‘peoples state’. In reality, people had no direct or indirect implication or authority to participate in the governance of this great country.

The Bolshevik Party was apparently ruling, but in reality, even the party members had no power whatsoever. They played the role of humble servants of the will of ‘their’ Central Committee and Soviet Government. Later on, we understood that it was also a fiction, and that even the members of the Central Committee had no real independent authority. They were obedient to any decision made by the Communist Party Political Directorate. As we later found out, even this was not the whole story. De facto, there was one person who decided everything in this ‘most democratic, socialist country in the world’, and it was Stalin himself. No one dared to disobey his orders and decisions, because Stalin was keeping everyone under threatening control by means of oprichniks, the KGB. The longer we lived in this socialistic state and learned the true situation in the country, the better we started to comprehend this complicated structure of ‘political governance of Soviet State’.

It was a far cry from the life we dreamed of living in our kibbutz. There, it is true that the decisions are taken collectively and everyone has the right to express his opinion. The majority of votes solve the fundamental issues.

Gradually, the longer we lived in the Soviet Union, the better we understood the way ‘the real-socialism’ works. We saw the impact of the governments’ unsuccessful rulings on the lives of ordinary citizens. It has become clearer to us that this socialism was a fiction. It was far from being the ‘people’s rule of common citizens’ as it involved new forms of enslavement. As a result, all people become dependent on government. It included the working place which was the only family income generator, living space which was provided by the government, daily supply with bread and food products and other. Not only the agriculture, but also the distribution of the agricultural products was in the hands of the state.
N. G. Basya, we got carried away with your and Peyrets perception of real socialism, which is an interesting issue itself. You were able to compare the situation in our ‘democratic’ state and in capitalist Romania. I did not have the possibility to compare and evaluate. We were kept in the ‘fog of Soviet propaganda’ and we knew nothing the way people live in the West. Interestingly, you compare the Soviets with your ‘dreamed of’ socialist kibbutz.

But still, tell me please, what exactly happened with you in Bessarabia later? How was the new government acting?
B. G. To begin with, on the third day of the new authority executions began. The principal of Bendery gymnasium was executed for allegedly helping fighting against communist cluster that developed among students. The ex-mayor of the city, a Russian intellectual who did so many things for the city wellbeing, was executed as well. Under his rule, the town that once was a ‘Shtetl’ in the pale of settlement, with streets flooding in mud, turned into a prosperous city of Western type. With running water in houses, streets with granite stones, paved sidewalks and trees along all streets. He was accused of supposedly narrowing the asphalted roads by five centimeters and steeling the saved money.

I think the main goal of the new authority was inculcating fear in people, so that no one had the guts to object to the ‘new order’. All the arrests and executions were decided with no investigation or trial.

Later, a real looting began. They were going around, coming into the houses of wealthy people and ‘expropriating’ the most valuable things. They called this process ‘nationalization’.

They came to our house, the apartment of Peyrets’ parents, where we lived back then. While opening the bedroom closet, a military officer asked why we had so many clothes and underwear. He confiscated several pajamas and silk nightgowns. They took other things as well. Nobody dared say a thing. Everybody was frightened with shooting and other horrible acts.

There was, by the way, confusion with those nightgowns. In the park, where the military orchestra used to play classic music they organized dances. Officers’ wives came dressed up in those silk nightgowns that were embroidered with frills and laces. The girls considered them ‘sophisticated ball dresses’. Frankly speaking, we did not even laugh at them. We started to understand that this was just the result of their extremely poor lives under the socialist regime.

From the very first days, Bessarabia began to spiral into ruins. The stores, restaurants stayed opened but the owners were notified that all the money they earn should be taken to the bank and deposited on ‘a special account’ of each owner. Slowly but surely, the military started to buy all the goods. In a couple of days, the stores that always had a large diversity of goods were left emptied.

The secret of this incredible purchasing power was simple. The Soviet power set up an exchange rate for the Romanian lei, which was 40 lei for one ruble. Back then, we did not know the real value of this ruble, which later we learned was very low. This ruble exchange rate was exorbitant, a true robbery. The Soviets literally robbed everybody. We were not able to buy many things with our lei, whereas they could afford to buy anything with their rubles, and more than that – any amounts.
N. G. It is interesting how the Soviets robbed the local population by means of such simple methods. I would have never thought there were such easy ways to clean up somebody else’s pockets or even a fortune people worked their whole lives for.

How else the new power distinguished itself in Bessarabia?
B. G. The new authorities settled military personnel and their families in people’s apartments. And the population of the city grew rapidly.
N. G. It is understandable as you had shops and opened markets with a variety of products. Village people were selling fresh products. And taking into account the ‘favorable’ exchange rate for ruble, I bet a lot of people from other Soviet cities moved there. It was a heaven on earth for them.
B. G. Not really. Bessarabia was a ‘closed zone’ for most soviet citizens. Only those with special permissions from the state authorities could come. Mainly, these were the military personnel and the newly appointed Soviet officials that were engaged in the establishment of the new regime: party bosses, administrative staff, school teachers, bank and other clerks. Even this was more than enough.

People who lived in other Romanian provinces when the Soviets overtook the power started coming back. The thing is that many in Romania thought that they lost Bessarabia because of the Jews who supposedly liked the Bolsheviks. It is true that there were silly Jews who were making fun of Romanian retreating army. As retaliation, the Romanian authorities officially permitted pogroms and lootings of Jewish homes and businesses. There were many victims among the Jewish population of Romania. The Jews who descended from Bessarabia did their best to come back. After all, no other countries were letting the Jews in.

As a result, the population of the city doubled during the first year of the new regime before the beginning of the war with Germany.
N. G. Basya, until now you told me what happened to the Jewish population of Bendery. How did the new power influence other ethnic groups in the city? After all, as you told me, the population of Bendery as well as whole Bessarabia was heterogeneous.
B. G. The new rules impacted the majority of population in the same way as Jews. Not only Jewish people were businessmen. They also got ‘cleaned up’. People who previously ran away from Soviets, felt terrible. The same situation was with the religious people. There were many old believers in the city that later were even persecuted. Nevertheless, there was a layer of people they didn’t get involved with, and specifically, the ethnic Germans. They were a few in the city. The Molotov-Ribbentrop pact stipulated that the ethnic Germans were allowed to depart to Germany freely and could take all the things they could carry with them.
N. G. What was the reaction of German population to such an invitation to ‘the historical homeland’? Were they willing to go? In general, were your Bendery Germans infused with Hitler’s ideas or not?
B. G. Based on my grandfather’s stories I understood that the majority of the German population was not keen to leave. First of all, almost all of them had a pretty decent life in Bendery. They were businessmen, restaurant and other companies’ owners. There were also wealthy craftsmen with many employees, doctors and even small bankers. Nobody liked the idea of leaving their jobs and valuables behind and selling it for nothing. Everybody was afraid that the Soviets would start ‘nationalizing’ everything. At the same time they didn’t want to be refugees even in their homeland Germany, a country they knew so little. As for their political views, no anti-Semitism was detected at the time they lived in Bendery. After all, they did business with Jews that constituted the majority of Bendery population. My grandfather worked with them for many years after he closed his colonial goods shop. Many Germans would not cut a major deal without my grandfather. He was their expert and trustee in business. My grandfather was known for his exceptional decency and competence. That is why I knew all about local German attitudes. He was able to freely communicate with them in either German or Russian. For more than twenty-five years we lived in houses owned by Germans.

So, I think many of them were reluctant to become refugees at an advanced age. The fact is that Hitler’s government warned them that if they did not leave, sooner or later, they would be sent to Siberia. Some Germans were literally crying but all left for Germany.


N. G. Let us move to the most important part. What happened to Peyrets and you? How did you adapt to the new government?
B. G. As I repeatedly mentioned, there was nothing else that interested us but our departure to Palestine and building kibbutzim. We abandoned our educational institutions in order to pass special Zionist training. Nevertheless, that training did not provide us with a professional vocation. When we clearly understood that we would not be able to leave the Soviet Union in the nearest years, we started thinking of how to survive in the meantime. We realized we had to get some professional training. We decided that the best thing for us was to become agronomists. At least, it would be useful in Palestine, in our kibbutzim.

We took the books to refresh the school subjects and started preparing. We went to Kishinev to the famous Agricultural University. We found out that a working faculty for an express training of local specialists was opened. Apparently, it was not as easy as we thought. We were explained that the faculty was opened for only rural areas’ students. This category of students had benefits like stipends, preparatory courses and the like. We asked a simple question: ‘What should we, city students, do? We want to embrace a profession and be useful citizens of our country’. The piece of advice we received was rather wise.



A Pedagogical Institute, with express courses for preparing teachers for elementary school, was planned to be opened soon in Bendery. People with completed secondary education got their ‘Educational Science’ training in just one year. That is why one could get a profession and a teacher diploma fast.
N. G. It is understandable; the Soviet officials of the Kishinev University did not look for bright students, but rather solved the ‘countries’ social objectives’ from ‘the class policy’ point of view. I can only imagine the level of students of schools from rural areas.
B. G. We did not analyze their actions as thoroughly. We knew that we received a piece of good advice in exchange to our failure to be admitted. Moreover, we could study being at home. The Soviets were cleaning our parents’ pockets and we needed to somehow live while we studied. So we returned to our hometown and entered the Pedagogical Institute and took the ‘express training of elementary school teachers’ course.
N. G. What was the level of training in that institution? Was it serious or just superficial? What was the study language? As far as I remember, Bendery was part of Soviet Moldavian Republic.
B. G. Imagine, they were preparing teachers for Moldavian schools but the language of training was Russian. All the subjects, except Moldavian language, of course, were taught in Russian. The program itself was serious and intensive and went for eight hours a day, six days a week, from 8am to 4pm every day, except Sundays. The majority of professors were highly qualified, especially in such subjects as math, physics, chemistry, and geography. We studied Russian (6 hours a week) and Romanian (also 6 hours a week). Though it was not easy, Peyrets and I were good students. Other students also did well in school; after all, they were from the city and 80% of them were Jewish. All of them had completed secondary education. In Romania, as I referred earlier, secondary education was very solid and based on Western European educational programs.
N. G. Thus, you were studying, getting ready for the new life in the Soviet Union. It is interesting to know when Peyrets and you started to realize what the Soviet power was all about.
B. G. We were not very critical of the Soviet regime at first since we were brainwashed by the socialist ideas. The Soviet Union in our perception was the ‘first socialist country in the world’ where the power was in the hands of workers and farmers, working people.


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