24
data sharing agreements. On the one hand, if the EU is dependent on a
third country for operational cooperation then the power asymmetry
between the EU and the third country diminishes and the EU adopts a
more flexible approach regarding the adoption of data protection norms.
On the other hand, if the EU is less dependent on a third country for
operational cooperation then it is reluctant to make any compromises and
it adopts a stance of hierarchical superiority over the third country. The
EU’s ambivalent approach on data protection rules which is shaped
mostly by the power dynamics between the EU and third countries
undermines, as a result, both its normative reputation and its reliability
in its relations with third countries.
This ambivalence is expected to continue in the future. As noted in the
Turkey and Morocco cases, the recent threat posed by the IS means that
the EU political actors may be more flexible in the future in order to
facilitate the exchange of data and intelligence with third countries which
do not have, however, as high democratic standards and credentials as
the EU. In other words, according to the model developed in the article, it
is expected that the increased terrorist threat posed by the IS and the
situation in Syria will change EU’s interest calculations and therefore the
power asymmetry between the EU and the countries which can play a role
against these threats will be reduced.
In this respect, one path that the EU political actors are expected to follow
in the future is to continue prioritizing the counter-terrorism cooperation
with third countries and being more flexible regarding the EU’s data
protection regime. In other words, EU’s stance of normative superiority,
according to which third countries should always adopt EU’s data
protection norms and standards en bloc when cooperating with the EU,
25
will continue being replaced by a more pragmatic EU behaviour. This
pragmatism is derived from the EU realization that closer counter-
terrorism cooperation with third countries (especially with those in its
close vicinity) is essential for EU’s security and safety. Such a conviction
makes the EU actors more flexible when negotiating data protection
standards.
This article supports the general argument that in its external relations
the EU could be described more as a pragmatic and realist actor rather
than as a normative actor and, in particular, that security concerns
regarding terrorism have taken priority over the broader and normative
goals of human rights promotion and data protection.
79
In other words,
this article complements previous research concerning whether the EU
has upheld to its values and normative commitments in its internal
security relations with third countries by looking at Europol’s relations
with three countries and by examining the reasons behind the European
inconsistency and ambivalence on data protection norms.
Moving beyond Europol’s relations with third countries, the conceptual
model presented by this article can be applied to additional cases
examining the EU inconsistency and behaviour in other fields. Further
research could be done, for instance, on comparing how the EU
negotıated its Passenger Name Record (PNR) agreements with the U.S.,
Canada, and Australia and on looking whether the EU was consistent in its
data protection requirements during these negotiations.
In order to do that, the EU authorities should not only prioritize their own
policies, institutions and reputation whilst signing an agreement with third
countries. Furthermore, waiting until the formation of a common terrorist
threat between the EU and third country should not be a precondition of
signing a data exchange agreement. Finally, the EU policy makers should
find ways to ease legal and political conditions to facilitate conclusion of
26
data exchange agreements with third countries for the sake of EU
security.
Endnotes
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2
Javier Argomaniz, “When the EU is the ‘Norm-taker’: The Passenger Name Records
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3
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4
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5
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