12 Ten Economic Facts about Crime and Incarceration
in the United States
CHAPTER 3:
The Economic and Social Costs
of Crime and Incarceration
Today’s high rate of incarceration is considerably costly to American taxpayers, with state governments
bearing the bulk of the fiscal burden. In addition to these budgetary costs, current incarceration
policy generates economic and social costs for both those imprisoned and their families.
8. Per capita expenditures on corrections more than tripled over the
past thirty years.
9. By their fourteenth birthday, African American children whose
fathers do not have a high school diploma are more likely than not to
see their fathers incarcerated.
10. Juvenile incarceration can have lasting impacts on a young person’s
future.
The Hamilton Project • Brookings 13
corrections spending per capita (Census Bureau 2001, 2013; Raphael
and Stoll 2013). Per capita expenditures on corrections (denoted by
the dashed line in figure 8) more than tripled between 1980 and
2010. In real terms, each U.S. resident on average contributed $260
to corrections expenditures in 2010, which stands in stark contrast
to the $77 each resident contributed in 1980.
Crime-related expenditures generate a significant strain on state
and federal budgets, leading some to question whether public funds
are best spent incarcerating nonviolent criminals. Preliminary
evidence from the recent policy experience in California—in
which a substantial number of nonviolent criminals were released
from state and federal prisons—suggests that alternatives to
incarceration for nonviolent offenders (e.g., electronic monitoring
and house arrest) can lead to slightly higher rates of property
crime, but have no statistically significant impact on violent crime
(Lofstrom and Raphael 2013). These conclusions have led some
experts to suggest that public safety priorities could better be
achieved by incarcerating fewer nonviolent criminals, combined
with spending more on education and policing (ibid.).
Per capita expenditures on corrections more
than tripled over the past thirty years.
8.
In 2010, the United States spent more than $80 billion on
corrections expenditures at the federal, state, and local levels.
Corrections expenditures fund the supervision, confinement,
and rehabilitation of adults and juveniles convicted of offenses
against the law, and the confinement of persons awaiting trial
and adjudication (Kyckelhahn 2013). As figure 8 illustrates, total
corrections expenditures more than quadrupled over the past
twenty years in real terms, from approximately $17 billion in 1980
to more than $80 billion in 2010. When including expenditures for
police protection and judicial and legal services, the direct costs of
crime rise to $261 billion (Kyckelhahn and Martin 2013).
Most corrections expenditures have historically occurred at the state
level and continue to do so. As shown in figure 8, in 2010, more than
57 percent of direct cash outlays for corrections came from state
governments, compared to 10 percent from the federal government
and nearly 33 percent from local governments. Increased
expenditures at every level of government are not surprising given
the growth in incarceration, which has far outstripped population
growth, leading to a higher rate of incarceration and higher
Chapter 3: The Economic and Social Costs of Crime and Incarceration
FIGURE 8.
Total Corrections Expenditures by Level of Government and Per Capita Expenditures,
1980–2010
In real terms, total corrections expenditures today are more than 350 percent higher than they were in 1980, while per capita
expenditures increased nearly 250 percent over the same period.
Sources: Bauer 2003a, 2003b; Census Bureau 2001, 2011, 2013; Gifford 2001; Hughes 2006, 2007; Hughes and Perry 2005; Perry 2005, 2008; Kyckelhahn
2012a, 2012b, 2012c; Kyckelhahn and Martin 2013; authors’ calculations.
Note: The dollar figures are adjusted to 2010 dollars using the CPI-U-RS (Consumer Price Index Research Series Using Current Methods). Population estimates for
each year are taken from the Census Bureau’s estimates for July 1 of that year. The figure includes only direct expenditures so as not to double count the value of
intergovernmental grants. For more details, see the technical appendix.
Total e
xpenditur
es
(in millions of 2010 dollars)
Per capita e
xpenditur
es
(in 2010 dollars)
0
0
20,000
40,000
60,000
80,000
10,000
30,000
50,000
70,000
90,000
1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010
Federal
State
Local
Per capita expenditures
50
100
150
200
250
300
14 Ten Economic Facts about Crime and Incarceration in the United States
than are mothers. These risks of imprisonment are magnified when
parental educational attainment is taken into account; high school
dropouts are much more likely to be imprisoned than are individuals
with higher levels of education. Fathers who are high school dropouts
face a cumulative risk of imprisonment that is approximately four
times higher than that of fathers with some college education. An
African American child with a father who dropped out of high school
has more than a 50 percent chance of seeing that father incarcerated
by the time the child reaches age fourteen.
Young children (ages two to six) and school-aged children of
incarcerated parents have been shown to have emotional problems and
to demonstrate weak academic performance and behavioral problems,
respectively. It is unclear, however, the extent to which these problems
result from having an incarcerated parent as opposed to stemming
from the other risk factors faced by families of incarcerated individuals;
incarcerated parents tend to have low levels of education and high rates
of poverty, in addition to frequently having issues with drugs, alcohol,
and mental illness (Center for Research on Child Wellbeing 2008).
In 2010, approximately 2.7 million children, or over 3 percent of
all children in the United States, had a parent in prison (The Pew
Charitable Trusts 2010). As of 2007, an estimated 53 percent of prisoners
in the United States were parents of children under age eighteen, a
majority being fathers (Glaze and Maruschak 2010). Furthermore, it
is not the case that these parents were already disengaged from their
children’s lives. For example, in 2007, approximately half of parents
in state prisons were the primary provider of financial support for
their children—and nearly half had lived with their children—prior
to incarceration (ibid.). Furthermore, fathers often are required to pay
child support during their incarceration, and since they make little
to no money during their incarceration, they often accumulate child
support debt.
Figure 9 illustrates the cumulative risk of imprisonment for parents—
or the projected lifetime likelihood of serving time for a person
born in a specific year—by the time their child turns fourteen, by
child’s race and their own educational attainment (Wildeman 2009).
Regardless of race, fathers are much more likely to be imprisoned
FIGURE 9.
Cumulative Risk of Parent’s Imprisonment for Children by Age 14, by Race and Parent’s
Education
An African American child whose father did not complete high school has a 50 percent chance of seeing his or her father incarcerated by
the time the child reaches his or her fourteenth birthday.
Source: Wildeman 2009.
Note: Cumulative risk of imprisonment is the projected lifetime likelihood of a parent’s imprisonment by the time his or her child turns fourteen.
Children included in the analysis were born in 1990. For more details, see the technical appendix.
By their fourteenth birthday, African American
children whose fathers do not have a high
school diploma are more likely than not to see
their fathers incarcerated.
9.
Chapter 3: The Economic and Social Costs of Crime and Incarceration
Cumula
tiv
e risk of par
en
t’s
imprisonmen
t (per
cen
t)
High school dropout
High school only
Some college
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Father
Mother
White children
African American children
Parental education
Father
Mother