From Tyranny to Democracy, 546-483 prescribed sources



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From Tyranny to Democracy, 546–483 BC

Prescribed source booklet


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Prescribed Sources for From Tyranny to Democracy, 546–483 BC

Literary sources
Aristotle, The Athenian Constitution 14–22
14

[1] Peisistratus seemed to be most well-disposed towards democracy and achieved fame in the war against Megara. He covered himself with wounds and persuaded the people that he had suffered these things at the hands of his enemies, and to give him a bodyguard; Aristion wrote the proposal. [2] It is said that Solon opposed Peisistratus when he asked for a bodyguard and said that he was wiser than some and braver than others; for he was wiser than those who did not see that Peisistratus was making an attempt at tyranny, and braver than those who knew but kept quiet. When he did not persuade them by what he said, he took his arms out in front of his house door, and said that he had helped his country as much as he could (for he was already very old), and demanded that others should do the same. [3] Well Solon achieved nothing then by what he asked. Peisistratus on the other hand seized power and carried out public business more as a citizen than a tyrant. When his rule had not yet taken root the followers of Megacles and Lycurgus joined together and threw him out in the sixth year after he first set himself up, in the archonship of Hegesias. [4] In the fifth year1 after this Megacles who was being hard-pressed in the political conflict, made a proposal of an alliance to Peisistratus, on condition that he married his daughter, and restored him in an old-fashioned and rather simple way. For he spread the word that Athena was restoring Peisistratus and, having found a tall and fine-looking woman from the deme of Paiania according to Herodotus, but some say she was a Thracian garland-seller from Kollytos. Her name was Phye and, when he had dressed her up to look like the goddess, he led her in with Peisistratus. He drove in in a chariot, with the woman standing next to him, and the people in the city fell down and worshipped him and received him with admiration.



15

[1] Such then was his [Peisistratus’] first return. Then he fell from favour after this for a second time, in about the seventh year after his return. He did not hold power for a long time, but because he did not wish to have intercourse with the daughter of Megacles, he was afraid of both the political factions and left the country. [2] First he stayed in the area around the Thermaic Gulf which is called Rhaecelus, but from there he went to the country around Pangaeum, where he raised money and hired soldiers. Then he went to Eretria and in the eleventh year first attempted to recover his rule by force; many other men supported him, but especially the Thebans and Lygdamis of Naxos and the horsemen who still controlled the government in Eretria. [3] Having won a battle at Pallenis, he took the city and removed their weapons from the people and firmly established the tyranny. He also captured Naxos and set up Lygdamis as ruler there. [4] He removed the people’s weapons in the following way: he held an armed parade in the Theseum, tried to address the assembled people, and spoke for a short time. When they said they could not hear him, he ordered them to climb up to the gateway of the Acropolis, so he could be heard better. As he used up time addressing the people there, those men who had been appointed for this purpose took up the weapons and locked them up in the buildings near the Theseum; then they came and gave a sign to Peisistratus. [5] When he had come to the end of the rest of his speech, he also told the people about what had happened to their weapons; he added that they did not have to be taken aback or dispirited, but should go away and concern themselves with their private affairs, and he himself would manage all public matters.



16

[1] So the tyranny of Peisistratus was established from the start in this way, and such were the changes it went through. [2] Peisistratus managed matters in the city with moderation, as has been said, and more as a private citizen than a tyrant. For in other respects he was compassionate, merciful and inclined to pardon those who had done wrong, and in fact he lent money to those in need to help their daily work, so that they could support themselves as farmers. [3] He did this for two purposes, so that they would not spend time in the city, but would be scattered through the country, in order that, being moderately prosperous and involved with their own affairs, they would neither long for, nor have the free time to be concerned with, public affairs. [4] At the same time this helped him as his revenues also grew larger from the land being worked well, because he took a tenth of the income from the produce as a tax. [5] For this reason he also established judges throughout the demes and himself often went out into the country to oversee and resolve matters for those in dispute, so that they would not abandon their work because they had come into the city. [6] When Peisistratus was on one such trip, the matter concerning the man farming the plot later called the tax-free site is said to have occurred. When he saw that the man was digging and working away at a plot which was entirely made of rocks, he was amazed and ordered his slave to ask the man what he got out of the plot. The man replied, “Just misery and pain, and of this misery and pain Peisistratus has to take a tenth.” So the man replied without recognizing Peisistratus, who made him free from all taxes as he was pleased by his outspokenness and hard work. [7] He caused no trouble either to the mass of the people or in other ways during his time in power, but always provided peace and saw to it that there was quiet. It is because of this that it is often commonly said that the tyranny of Peisistratus was the Age of Cronos; for it was later, when his sons came to power, that it happened that the tyranny became much more harsh. [8] The greatest of all the things spoken about him was that he was democratic and compassionate in character. For in other respects he wanted to govern according to the laws, giving himself no advantage. Once when he was called to the Areopagus on a charge of murder, he appeared in person to defend himself, but the man making the accusation became frightened and left. [9] So he stayed in power for a long time, and when he was driven out he easily reclaimed it. For many people amongst both the aristocracy and the ordinary people supported him. This was because he won over the former by his companionship, the latter by his support for their personal affairs, and he had been well-disposed to both. [10] The Athenians had mild laws concerning tyranny at that time, both in general but especially the one concerned with setting up a tyranny. For this was their law: ‘These are the laws and customs of the Athenians: if anybody rise up to set up a tyranny or helps in setting up a tyranny, both he and his family are deprived of their rights.’

17

[1] Peisistratus grew old in power, and died in the archonship of Philoneos having been ill; he lived for 33 years from when he established the tyranny for the first time, of which he spent 19 in power; [2] he was in exile for the rest. So the people who say that Peisistratus was a lover of Solon and that he was a general in the war against Megara for control of Salamis are clearly foolish. For it not possibly because of their ages, if one counts up the life of each and the archonship in which each died. [3] When Peisistratus died his sons took over the rule, conducting affairs in the same way. There were two sons from his marriage, Hippias and Hipparchus, and two from the Argive woman, Iophon and Hegesistratus (who had the surname Thessalus). [4] For Peisistratus married Timonassa, the daughter of an Argive man called Gorgilos; she had formerly been the wife of Archinos from Ambracia, who was a member of the Cypselid family. It was from this that Peisistratus’ friendship with the Argives originated, and a thousand of them fought on his side in the battle at Pallenis, brought by Hegesistratus. Some people say that he married the Argive woman the first time he was exiled, others that it was when he first established his reign.



18

[1] Hipparchus and Hippias were in charge of affairs because of their standing and age. Hippias, who was the older and statesmanlike and prudent, was in charge of the reign. Hipparchus was childish, amorous and liked the arts. It was he who had invited the circle of Anacreon, and Simonides and other poets to Athens. [2] Thessalus was much younger and bold and outrageous in his lifestyle, and he happened to be the root of all their troubles. When he fell in love with Harmodios, but could not gain his love, he could not contain his anger. He expressed this bitterly in other ways, but finally when Harmodios’ sister was intending to be a basket-bearer at the Panathenaia, he prevented it. He also insulted Harmodios, saying that he was effeminate. So it turned out that Harmodios and Aristogeiton were encouraged to commit the crime, but there were also many collaborators. [3] They were lying in wait for Hippias on the Acropolis during the Panathenaia (for he happened to receive the procession, and Hipparchus sent it on its way). When they saw one of the conspirators talking with Hippias on good terms they thought that he was betraying them. They wanted to do something before their arrest, so they descended from the hill and, not waiting for the others, they killed Hipparchus as he was marshalling the procession by the Leocoreum. In this they ruined the whole plan. [4] Of them, Harmodios was killed immediately by Hipparchus’ bodyguard, but Aristogeiton was later, after he had been caught and then tortured for a long time. Under duress he denounced many men, both those who were from leading families and who were friends of the tyrants. For it was not possible to discover any immediate clue to the conspiracy, but the story told that Hippias made those taking part in the procession stand apart from their weapons and discovered those carrying daggers is not true. This is because they did not process in those days under arms, but the people later established this practice. [5] Aristogeiton denounced the friends of the tyrants on purpose, or so democratic writers say, in order that the tyranny might be polluted and at the same time become weak as the innocent friends of the tyranny were killed. However some say that he did not make it up, but that those he denounced were conspirators. [6] And finally, when he had done everything he could, but could not achieve his death, he announced he would denounce many others, and he persuaded Hippias to give him his right hand as a sign of good faith. When he took it he reviled Hippias because he had given his right hand to his brother’s murderer. He enraged Hippias so much that he was unable to contain his anger, but drew his dagger and killed Aristogeiton.



19

[1] After these things, the tyranny was much harsher; Hippias took revenge for his brother’s death, and for this reason he killed and exiled many men, and was suspicious and bitter towards everyone. [2] In about the fourth year after Hipparchus’ death, as affairs in the city were not going at all well, he attempted to fortify Mounichia, in order to make a move there. He was in the middle of this when he was expelled by Cleomenes, the Spartan king; there had been many oracles given to the Spartans, always that they should end the tyranny. The cause of this was as follows. [3] The exiles, of whom the Alcmeonids were the leaders, were not able themselves to bring about their restoration on their own account, but always failed. For amongst other attempts they made when they were disappointed, they fortified Lipsydrium in the country beneath Mount Parnes. Some men from the city joined them there, but they were besieged and expelled by the tyrants. Later on from then, after this misfortune they always used to sing in their drinking-songs:

“Alas for treacherous Lipsydrium, what men you destroyed, men both good in battle and well-born, who showed what their lineage was.”

[4] Therefore when they had failed in everything else, they were hired to build the temple at Delphi from which they had enough money to gain the help of the Spartans. When the Spartans consulted the oracle, the Pythian priestess always told them to free Athens. This went on until the Spartans were persuaded, despite the fact that the Peisistratids were guest-friends of theirs. The growing friendship of the Peisistratids towards Argos contributed no less a part to the decision of the Spartans. [5] Therefore first they sent Anchimolos by sea with an army, but he was defeated and killed because Cineas the Thessalain helped Hippias with a thousand cavalry. They next sent King Cleomenes by land with a larger force; he was victorious against the Thessalian cavalry who were preventing him from entering Attica. He shut Hippias up inside the so-called Pelasgic Wall2 and with the Athenians besieged him. [6] While the place was being besieged he happened to capture the sons of Pisistratos when they were being sent to safety. When these had been captured, the Peisistratids made an agreement for the safety of the children: in five days they removed their possessions and in the archonship of Harpactides handed over the Acropolis to the Athenians. They had held the tyranny for about 17 years from the death of their father; the total with those years when their father had reigned was 36 years3.



20

[1] When the tyranny had been overthrown, Isagoras the son of Tisander, a friend of the tyrants, and Cleisthenes from the Alcmeonid family were in conflict with each other. When Cleisthenes was coming off worse because of the influence of political clubs, he turned to the people, promising to give the masses political rights. [2] So Isagoras, being left behind in the power-struggle, called back Cleomenes as he had guest-friendship ties with him. He persuaded him to drive out the curse, because the Alcmeonids seemed to among those cursed. [3] When Cleisthenes withdrew, Cleomenes arrived with a few men and drove out 700 Athenian households. Having achieved this, he tried to dissolve the boule (Council) and to install Isagoras along with 300 of his friends as rulers of the city. When the boule (Council) stood up to this and the people gathered together, those around Cleomenes and Isagoras fled to the Acropolis. The people laid siege to them for two days and blockaded them, and on the third day let Cleisthenes go along with all those with him under a truce; they also recalled Cleisthenes and the other exiles. [4] The people gained control and Cleisthenes was leader and protector of the people. The Alcmeonids were perhaps those most responsible for the overthrow of the tyrants and had maintained their opposition to them for a long time. [5] Still earlier Cedon of the Alcmeonids attacked the tyrants, because of which he too was sung about in drinking-songs:

‘Fill the cup also for Cedon, servant, and don’t forget him,
If it is necessary to pour wine for good men.’

21

[1] So for these reasons the people trusted Cleisthenes. Then being made leader of the masses, in the fourth year after the downfall of the tyrants, [2] when Isagoras was archon, he first divided all the people into ten tribes in place of the earlier four; he wanted to mix them up so that more would share in political power; from here comes the saying not to ‘judge by tribes’ repeated to those wishing to examine someone’s family. [3] Then he set up the boule (Council) as 500 instead of 400, 50 from each tribe – at that time there were 100 from each of four tribes. He did not divide them into twelve tribes for this reason, so that he did not have to divide them into the existing thirds. For there were twelve thirds of the four tribes, so he would not have been able to mix up the people. [4] He divided the country by demes into thirty parts, ten of those in and around the city, ten on the coast and ten inland, and these were called trittyes. He allocated three of these to each tribe, so that each had a share in each region. He made those living in each deme demesmen of each other, so that they did not greet each other with their fathers’ names and so reveal who were the new citizens, but they did so by the name of their demes. This is why even now the Athenians call themselves after their demes. [5] He also established demarchs, having the same duties as the former naukraroi. So he made the demes in place of the naukraroi. He called some of the demes after their regions, others after their founders; for the founders did not all exist in their regions. [6] He allowed the clans, brotherhoods and priesthoods each to keep their existing traditions. He established eponymous founding heroes for the tribes; the Delphic priestess chose the ten from a prescribed list of 100.



22

[1] When these things had been done the constitution was far more democratic than Solon’s. For it happened that the tyranny had suppressed Solon’s laws since they were not in use. Also Cleisthenes set up others when he was after the support of the people; amongst these he also established the law concerning ostracism. [2] First then in the eighth4 year after the overthrow of the tyrants, when Hermocreon was archon, they created for the boule (Council) of 500 the oath they still swear even now. Then they chose the generals by tribes, one from each tribe, but the leader of whole army was the polemarch. [3] In the twelfth year after this [the overthrow of the tyrants] they were victorious in the Battle at Marathon, when Phainippos was archon. Leaving an interval of two years after the battle, when the people was then full of confidence, then for the first time they used the law concerning ostracism. This was set up on account of a suspicion of men in positions of power because Peisistratus was a popular leader and general and then made himself tyrant. [4] Hipparchus from Kollytos, son of Charmos, a relation of Peisistratus, was first to be ostracized. Cleisthenes had set up the law especially on account of this man as he wanted to drive him into exile. This was because the Athenians allowed the friends of the tyrants who had not been party to their crimes during the troubles to live in the city, employing the customary mildness of the people. Hipparchus was the leader and chief of these men. [5] Immediately in the next year, when Telesinos was archon, they chose the nine archons by lot by tribe from 500 previously chosen by the demes. Previously all of these had been elected. Megacles from Alopece, the son of Hippocrates, was also ostracized. [6] So for three years they kept ostracizing the friends of the tyrants, on whose account the law was passed. But after this, in the fourth year, they also began to remove anyone else if they seemed to be too dominant. The first of those to be ostracized who was not connected with the tyrants was Xanthippos, the son of Ariphron. [7] In the third year after this, when Nicodemos was archon, when the mines at Maroneia were found and the city had a profit on 100 talents from the workings, some suggested that the money should be given out to the people. Themistocles prevented this; he did not say what he would use the money for, but ordered them to give each of the hundred richest of the Athenians a talent each. If the expenditure pleased them, it would be a cost to the city, but if not, the money should be recovered from those who were lent it. When he had got hold of it on these terms, he had a 100 triremes built, with each of the 100 having one built; with these ships they fought the sea battle at Salamis against the barbarians. During these events Aristides the son of Lysimachus was ostracized. [8] In the third5 year, when Hypsichides was archon, the Athenians recalled all those who had been ostracized because of the expedition of Xerxes. And they decided for the future that those who were ostracized should live between Geraistos and Skyllaion or they would lose their citizenship completely.
Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War 1.13
As the power of Hellas grew, and its acquisition of wealth grew faster and faster, the incomes of the Greek cities increased, and most of them saw tyrannies established. Until this point, they had been ruled by kings with clearly defined rights. The Hellenes also began to build fleets, and pay more attention to their understanding of the sea. It is said that the Corinthians were the first to produce a ship that resembles the current style, and also that the oldest Hellenic triremes were built there. It seems that a Corinthian ship builder called Ameinocles built four ships for the Samians, when he went to Samos approximately 300 years before the end of the Peloponnesian War. The earliest naval battle recorded was between the Corinthians and the Corcyraeans, which took place around 40 years after this.

Corinth, positioned as it was upon an isthmus, was, of course, an important location for business from the very beginning. For the old Hellenes both in and out of the Peloponnese, many years ago when they mainly communicated via land, had to cross Corinthian territory to reach each other. Corinth was also powerful due to her wealth; as confirmed by the ancient poets, who dubbed her “Corinth the rich”. When sea-navigation became more widespread, the Corinthians, who already had a fleet, were able to take down pirates. As they could do business on both land and sea, the wealth and therefore the power of their city kept growing. Sometime later, during the era of Cyrus, the first king of Persia, and his son Cambyses, the Ionians became a great naval power. They did battle with Cyrus, and for some time controlled the sea around their home coasts. Polycrates, a tyrant of Samos during Cambyses’ reign, also had a strong navy, which he used to capture several of the islands. This included Rhenea, which he subsequently dedicated to the Delian Apollo. ...


Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War 2.37.1
The Athenian constitution is not a rival to the laws of our neighbour states; rather, we are an example to others than imitators ourselves. It favours the majority, instead of the few; this is why it is called a “democracy”. If we consider the laws, they provide equal justice to all in their personal disputes; they also recognise worthiness, so that if one citizen is particularly distinguished, the majority does not honour him because of his social class, but because of his virtue. So long as he can do good for the state, he will not be returned to poverty because of the obscurity of his social status.

Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War 6.53.3–6.59

6.53

… [3] Those who had heard from the stories passed between generations that the tyranny of the Peisistratids ended in great oppression, and knew that they had been overthrown not by Harmodios or any effort of their own, but by the Spartans, were in a constant state of fear and suspicion.



6.54

The endeavours of Aristogeiton and Harmodios arose from a love affair, of which I will tell the entire story. It will show how inaccurate the Athenians’ accounts of their own tyrants really are, including of this particular incident; in fact, they do not know more than any other Greeks!

Peisistratus died an old man, in the position of tyrant. Then Hippias, his eldest son, inherited his power; not, as popular opinion suggests, Hipparchus. Harmodios was at his youthful prime, and Aristogeiton, a middle class man, became his lover. Hipparchus tried to gain Harmodios’ affections, but they were not reciprocated, and Harmodios told Aristogeiton about it. Aristogeiton was, of course, horrified, and fearing that the powerful Hipparchus would resort to violence, immediately planned how to overthrow the tyranny. Hipparchus, meanwhile, tried again to seduce Harmodios, and again had no luck. Hipparchus decided thus not to do anything violent, but to start a clandestine smear campaign against Harmodios (the secrecy would stop his motive from being suspected).

The use of violence would have gone against the general character of the Peisistratids’ rule, which was neither unpopular nor oppressive in the eyes of the people. In fact, there were never any tyrants who displayed greater virtue or ability than these men. Although they only taxed five percent of produce, they still improved and decorated the city and carried out successful military campaigns, and they also made regular sacrifice in the temples. The city was allowed to keep her ancient laws, but the Peisistratids were careful that one of their own was always in office. Amongst those who held the annual Athenian archonship was Peisistratus, son of the tyrant Hippias. He was named after his grandfather (Peisistratus), and dedicated the altar of the Twelve Gods in the agora during his archonship, as well as another altar in the temple of the Pythian Apollo. Later, the Athenians extended one side of the altar in the agora and obscured the inscription, but the one on the altar of the Pythian Apollo is still visible, although the letters are very worn now. It reads:

“Peisistratus son of Hippias dedicated this memorial of his archonship in the sacred bounds of the temple of the Pythian Apollo.”


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