Przemysław Turek Jagiellonian University in Kraków
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| Przemysław Turek Jagiellonian University in Kraków The 30ᵗʰ Ode of Solomon as the oldest example of the great Syriac poetry and the development of Syriac prosody The famous collection of the Odes of Solomon consisted originally of 42 psalms. Unfortunately, their full version has survived in none of the four extant manuscripts, i.e., two Syriac, one Greek and one Coptic. Ode 2 is still missing as well as the beginning of Ode 3 and probably the passages of Ode 1, which is known only in the Coptic version. Original Language and Date of Composition of the Odes of Solomon They are believed to have originated in either Antioch or Edessa and were, according to what is being agreed upon by many scholars, written originally in Syriac. The evidence for this is very strong and is based on what has been called “the attractive quality of the extant Syriac.” 1 All scholars believe the Odes to be Christian and even to be the “earliest Christian hymn-book.” 2 Most 1 “Most importantly the attractive quality of the extant Syriac is indicative that Syriac is probably the original language. Of special note is the play on words possible only in Syriac […] and the pervasive assonance, metrical scheme, and rhythm in the Syriac. Also numerous variants between extant versions are frequently explained by the assumption of a Syriac tradition of transmission” (The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, vol. 2: Expansions of the “Old Testament” and Legends, Wisdom and Philosophical literature, Prayers, Psalms and Odes, Fragments of Lost Judeo- Hellenistic Works, ed. by J. H. Charlesworth, New York-London-Toronto-Sydney-Auckland 1985, p. 726). Cf. The Odes and Psalms of Solomon, re-edited for the Governors of the John Rylands Library by Rendel Harris and Alphonse Mingana, vol. 2: The Translation. With Introduction
2 The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 725. ORIENTALIA CHRISTIANA CRACOVIENSIA 2 (2010) 110 Przemysław Turek scholars also agree that the Odes were probably composed sometime around A. D. 100, i.e., at the turn of the 1ˢᵗ century A. D. 3
literature, preceding the text of the Peshitta, which probably originated in the 2ⁿᵈ century A. D. At least two fragments of our collection (Odes 7 : 10 and 9 : 8f.) are apparently based on the Septuagint used at that time even in Judeo-Christian communities. 4 We know that the Syriac-speaking church used the Peshitta, which was translated from the Hebrew independently of the Septuagint. If the original language of the Odes is Syriac, and the Biblical references indicate the Greek text of the Bible as a basis, we incline to the view that the text of the Odes predates the Peshitta. If it weren’t so, we would expect to find references to the Syriac version of the Old Testament. Some of the scholars saw the Odes as a product of the 2ⁿᵈ century Gnosticism because of the frequent use of the word ܐܬܥܕܝ ʾīḏaʿṯā – knowledge, and the phrase found in Ode 8 : 21: ܩܪܦܬܐܕ ܘ ̇ܗܒ ܐܩܝܖ̈ܦܘ wap̄rīqē ḇhaw daṯp̄req – saved in him who was saved, 5 treated as a reference to the Gnostic term salvator salvandus. 6 James H. Charlesworth refuses to accept the Gnosticity of the Odes: “intensive research on this document [manuscript N – PWT] convinced many scholars that the Odes are not gnostic but a collection of very early Christian hymns. […] In the line with the consensus that these Odes are Christian is the observation that the key characteristic in these hymns is a joyous tone of thanksgiving for the advent of the Messiah who had been promised […] and for the present experience of eternal life and love from and for the Beloved.” 7 The author of these hymns of praise and devotion, known as the Odist, was most probably Judeo-Christian, or a Jewish convert to Christianity, who knew the Thanksgiving Hymns of the Qumran Community and believed that Jesus was the long-awaited Messiah. 8 3 “The extensive and pervasive parallels with the Qumran Hodayoth, the undeniable similarities with the ideas found in the Gospel of John that cannot be explained away by either the hypothesis that they are dependent upon John or that John depends upon them, and the possibility that Ignatius of Antioch may have known and even quoted from cumulatively indicate that the Odes were probably composed sometimes around A. D. 100” (The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 727). 4 The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 726. 5 The Odes of Solomon, edited with translation and notes by J. H. Charlesworth, Oxford 1973, pp. 41, 42. 6 Cf. K. Rudolph, Gnoza. Istota i historia późnoantycznej formacji religijnej [Gnosis. The Nature and History of Gnosticism], przeł. G. Sowiński, Kraków 1995, pp. 116–118. 7 The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 725. 8 Ibid.
111 The 30ᵗʰ Ode of Solomon as the oldest example of the great Syriac poetry Text of Ode 30 and its structure I have chosen Ode 30 to illustrate some distinguishing prosodic characteristics of this literary genre. The following text is a copy of a facsimile of the manuscript attached to the Rendel Harris and Alfonse Mingana edition. 9 The manuscript, known as manuscript H, although it comes from the fifteenth century, is a good copy of a text coming from the reliable source. If we compare the badly pre- served manuscript N, almost five centuries older than manuscript H, we’ll find no variants in the text of Ode 30. 10 Our copy was made in ʾesṭrangelā script. 11
ܢܝܬܠܬܕ ܐܬܪܝܡܙ ܂ܐܝܪܡܕ ܐܝ ܲ�ܚ ܐܥܘܒ ܲ�ܡ ܢ ̣ܡ ܂ܐܝ ̈ܡ ܢܲܘܟܠ ܘ ܲ �ܠܡ 1 :ܢܲܘܟܠ ܚ ̣ܬܦܬܐܕ ܠܛܡ ܆ܐܝܬܫ ܲ�ܡ ܘ �ܒ ܲ�ܣܘ ܐܝ ̈ܗܨ ܢܲܘܟܠܲܟ ܲܘܬܘ 2 .ܐܝܪܡܕ ܗܥܘܒ ܲ�ܡ ܠܥ ܘܚ�ܝܢܬܬܐܘ ܕ ܸܩܢܘ ܘ �ܗ ܪ�ܝܦ ܲ�ܫܕ ܠܛܡ 3 .ܐܫܦܲ�ܢ ܚ�ܝܢܡܘ ܂ܝܗܘ ̈ܡ ܢܝܡܝܣ ܲ�ܒ ܝܓ ܲܣ ܪܝ ܸܓ ܐܫ �ܒܕ ܢ �ܡ 4 . �ܗܠ ܐܡܚ ܲ�ܦܬ �ܡ ܠܐ ܐܬܝ̈ܖܘܒܕܕ ܐܬܝܪܵܟܲ�ܟܘ ܂ܩܦ̇ܢ ܐܝܪܡܕ ܗܬܘ̈ܦ �ܣ ܢ �ܡܕ ܠܛܡ 5 .ܗܡܫ ܐܝܪܡܕ ܗܒ�ܠ ܢ �ܡܘ ܂ܐܙܚ �ܬܡ ܠܐܘ ܟܝ݀ ܲ�ܬܣܡ ܠܐ ܕܟ ܐ �ܬܐܘ 6 .ܝܗܘܥܕܲ�ܝ ܠܐ ܐܬܥܨܡܒ ܒ �ܗܝܬܐܕ ܐܡܕܥܘ ܗܢ �ܡ ܘ�ܝܬܫܐܕ ܢܝܠܝܠܐ ܢܲܘܗܝܒ �ܘܛ 7 .ܗܒ ܘܚ�ܝܢܬܬܐܘ .ܐܝܘܠܠܗ zammirṯā ḏṯlāṯīn 1 mlaw lḵọ̄n mayyā men mabbọ̄ʿā ḥayyā ḏmāryā meṭṭul deṯpṯaḥ lḵọ̄n. 2 wṯaw kulḵọ̄n ṣḥayyā wsaḇ maštyā wettnīḥ ʿal mabbọ̄ʿeh dmāryā. 3 meṭṭul dšappīrū wanqeḏ wamnīḥ nap̄šā. 9 The Odes and Psalms of Solomon, re-edited by R. Harris and A. Mingana, vol. 1: The Text. With facsimile reproductions, Manchester-London-New York-Bombay-Calcutta-Madras 1916, pp. *23a–*23b. The pages contain written in extenso texts of Odes 29 : 10–30 : 6 and 30 : 6–31 : 6, respectively. 10 The Odes and Psalms of Solomon, op. cit., vol. 1, p. ܓܥ; The Odes of Solomon, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 6–8, 12–13. “It is surprising that there are no variants between Syriac manuscripts in this Ode” (The Odes of Solomon, op. cit., p. 115). 11 Although the text of manuscript H is preserved in the serṭō script, it contains mainly the oldest diacritic marks (used in non-vocalized texts). There are to be found also some vocalic signs typical for the East-Syriac system of writing. 112 Przemysław Turek 4 men deḇšā ḡēr saggī ḇassīmīn maw wḵakkārīṯā ḏḏebburyāṯā lā meṯpaḥḥmā leh. 5 meṭṭul dmen sep̄wāṯeh dmāryā np̄aq wmen lebbeh dmāryā šammah. 6 weṯā ḵaḏ lā mestayyaḵ wlā meṯḥze waʿḏammā ḏeṯīheḇ bamṣaʿṯā lā yaḏʿū. 7 ṭūḇayhọ̄n laylēn deštīw menneh wettnīḥ beh. hallelūya. The metrical analysis of the structure of Ode 30 gives us the following results: 1
2 [5] 2
3 [8] 3 [8] 3
3 [7]
2 [4] 4
3 [10] 3 [13] 5
3 [9] 3 [7] 6
3 [10]
4 [12]
7
3 [9]
1 [3]
1 [4] Although there are no regular metrical measures to be found in the Odes, the majority of the verses has a metrical pattern which is based on three ictuses per half-verse (hemistich) = 3+3. The verses are not isosyllabic. The unsteady syllabic arrangement gives lines (hemistiches) of 3, 4, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12 and even 13 syllables. “The Aramaeo-Hebraic parallelism is represented in the Odes from beginning to end with all its subdivisions.” 12
if possible, the traditional imitation of the word order of the original text: 13 12 The Odes and Psalms of Solomon, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 129. 13 Cf. my Polish version of the text translated from Syriac (P. W. Turek, Od Gilgamesza do kasydy. Poezja semicka w oryginale i w przekładzie [From Gilgamesh to Qasida. Semitic Poetry in Original Version and in Translation], Kraków 2010, pp. 205–206): “1. Zaczerpnijcie wody z żywego źródła Pana, gdyż dla was je otwarto. 2. Przyjdźcie, napijcie się, wszyscy spragnieni, i spocznijcie u źródła Pana.
113 The 30ᵗʰ Ode of Solomon as the oldest example of the great Syriac poetry “Draw
14 some water 15 from the living spring 16 of the Lord, 3. Dobre jest bowiem i czyste, dające orzeźwienie. 4. Doprawdy woda jego słodsza jest od miodu, nie zrówna jej plaster pszczeli. 5. Wyszła bowiem z ust Pana i z serca Pana wzięła imię. 6. Zjawiło się bez ograniczeń, niewidzialne; nie poznano go, póki nie znalazło się w środku. 7. Błogosławieni, którzy napili się z niego i w nim znaleźli orzeźwienie. Alleluja.” 14 ܴܠܡ mlā means “to fill up” (Thesaurus Syriacus, collegerunt S. M. Quatremere, G. H. Bernstein, G. W. Lorsbach, A. J. Arnoldi, C. M. Agrell, F. Field, A. Roediger, auxit, digessit, exposuit, edidit R. Payne Smith, vol. 2, Oxonii 1901, pp. 2117–2118; The Odes and Psalms of Solomon, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 366), but also “to draw water; to pour in” et al. (M. Sokoloff, A Syriac Lexicon, a translation from the Latin, correction, exspansion, and update of C. Brockelmann’s Lexicon Syriacum, Winona Lake-Piscataway 2009, pp. 768–769). This word is an equivalent of Hebrew באַָשׁ šāʾaḇ – to draw water (L. Koehler, W. Baumgartner, J. J. Stamm, Wielki słownik hebrajsko-polski i aramejsko-polski Starego Testamentu, vol. 1: Słownik hebrajsko-polski ע-א, vol. 2: Słownik hebrajsko-polski ת-פ. Słownik aramejsko-polski, red. nauk. wyd. pol. P. Dec, Warszawa 2008, vol. 2, p. 383) and Greek ἀντλέω – to draw (water) (Benselers Griechisch-
von A. Kaegi, Leipzig-Berlin 1904, p. 80) in Syriac version of Isaiah 12 : 3 ܐܴ̈ܝ ܱܡ ܢ ̇ܘ̣ܠ�ܡܷܬܘ wṯemlūn mayyā (1988 ]ܩܘܣܡܪܕ[ ܐܬܕ ܿܚܘ ܐܬܩܼܝܬܥ ܐܩܝܬܕܕ ܐܒܟܬ ̄ܗ ܐܫܼܝܕܩ ܐܒܟܬ, part I, p. 521), cf. Hebrew םִיַמ־םֶתְּבאְַשׁוּ ûš ǝ ʾaḇtem-mayim (Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia, quae antea cooperantibus A. Alt, O. Eißfeldt, P. Kahle ediderat R. Kittel, editio funditus renovata adiuvantibus H. Bardtke, W. Baumgartner, P. A. H. de Boer, O. Eißfeldt, J. Fichtner, G. Gerleman, J. Hempel, F. Horst, A. Jepsen, F. Maass, R. Meyer, G. Quell, Th. H. Robinson, D. W. Thomas, cooperantibus H. P. Rüdiger et J. Ziegler, ediderunt K. Elliger et W. Rudolph, textum Masoreticum curavit H. P. Rüdiger, Masoram elaboravit G. E. Weil, editio quinta emendata opera A. Schenker, Stutgart 1997, p. 693), and Greek καὶ ἀντλήσετε ὕδωρ (Septuaginta. Id est Vetus Testamentum graece iuxta LXX interpretes, edidit A. Rahlfs, Stuttgart 1979, vol. 2, p. 582), as well as Syriac version of the Gospel of John 4 : 7 ܴܐ̈ܝ ܰܡ ܷܠܡ ݂ ܶ ܬ ̇ܕ dṯemlē mayyā (ܐܫܼܝܕܩ ܐܒܟܬ, op. cit., part III, p. 122), cf. Greek ἀντλῆσαι ὕδωρ (The Greek New Testament, ed. by K. Aland, M. Black, C. M. Martini, B. M. Metzger, A. Wikgren, in cooperation with the Institute for the New Testament Textual Research, Münster/Westphalia under the direction of K. Aland, B. Aland, Third Edition (Corrected), Stuttgart 1984, p. 333). All those examples point to the Syrian (Aramaic) origin of this verse (The Odes and Psalms of Solomon, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 366). 15 ܐܴ̈ܝ ܱܡ mayyā plurale tantum “water” could also be translated metaphorically as “knowledge, wisdom of the Lord” (The Odes and Psalms of Solomon, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 368; The Odes of Solomon, op. cit., p. 114). 16 I prefer the usage of the word “spring” instead of “fountain” used by Harris and Mingana, and Charlesworth (The Odes and Psalms of Solomon, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 368; The Odes of Solomon, op. cit., p. 114) 114 Przemysław Turek Because it has been opened for yourselves. 17 Come, all you thirsty, have a drink, 18 And rest by the spring of the Lord. For it is beautiful and clear, And it is giving rest to the soul. 19 Indeed, its water is much sweeter than honey, And the honeycomb shall not be compared with it. 20 Because it has flowed 21 from the lips of the Lord, And has taken its name 22 from the heart of the Lord. 17 According to Charlesworth plural imperative and pronoun (2ⁿᵈ masculine plural) appear to be the evidence of the usage in public worship (The Odes of Solomon, op. cit., p. 114). 18 ܐܳܝܬܫ ܰܡ ܘܒ ܰܣ saḇ maštyā, literally “take a drink”. 19 ܐܳܫܦܰܢ ܚܝܺܢܡ mnīḥ nap̄šā, literally “placating, assuaging the soul”. ܐܳܫܦܰܢ nap̄šā f. “soul, person, self”, can also be translated as “the breath of life, life-force, essence, nature” (Lexicon Syriacum auctore Carolo Brockelmann. Editio secunda aucta et emendata, Halis Saxonum 1928, p. 419; L. Costaz, Dictionnaire syriaque-français. Syriac-English Dictionary, Beyrouth 1963, p. 210;
20 According to Harris and Mingana this reference to Psalm 19 : 11 didn’t follow the Peshitta version but the Hebrew original: ׃םיִפוּצ תֶפוֹנְו שַׁבְדִּמ םיִקוּתְמוּ ûmǝṯûqîm middǝḇaš wǝnōp̄eṯ ṣûp̄îm – sweeter also than honey and the honeycomb (The Holy Bible Containing the Old and New Testaments. Translated out of the Original Tongues and with Former Translations diligently compared. Authorized (King James) Version. Self-pronouncing Reference Edition. Made for The Gideons by The National Bible Press, Philadelphia 1953, p. 624 OT – in English tradition verse 10), literally “and sweeter than honey and clear (natural) honey from the honeycombs” (L. Koehler, W. Baumgartner, J. J. Stamm, Wielki słownik hebrajsko-polski i aramejsko-polski Starego Testa-
vol. 2, p. 367). The author of the Ode might have been interpreting Hebrew קוֹתָמ māṯôq – sweet as “pleasant” (Ibid.), that’s why we find in the Ode the plural of Syriac ܡܝܣܒ bassīm – pleasant, nice. In the Syriac version we read namely: ܐܬܩܼܝܬܥ ܐܩܝܬܕܕ ܐܒܟܬ ̄ܗ ܐܫܼܝܕܩ ܐܒܟܬ) :ܐܬܝܪܟܟ ܢ ̣ܡܘ ܐܫ ̣ܒܕ ܢ ̣ܡ ܢܝ̣ܠܚܘ ]ܩܘܣܡܪܕ[ ܐܬܕ ܿܚܘ Biblia Syriaca 1988: I, 398) wḥalīn men daḇšā wḵakkārīṯā – sweeter than honey and the honeycomb, Harris and Mingana (ut supra) have suggested also another possible source – Sirach 24 : 20 τὸ γὰρ μνημόσυνόν μου ὑπὲρ τὸ μέλι γλυκύ καὶ ἡ κληρονομία μου ὑπὲρ μέλιτος κηρίον (Septuaginta, op. cit., vol. 2, 418). “You will remember me as sweeter than honey, | better to have than the honeycomb” (The New American Bible. Translated from the Original Languages with Critical Use of All the Ancient Sources by Members of the Catholic Biblical Association of America. Sponsored by the Bishops’ Committee of the Confraternity of Christian Doctrine, Catholic Bible Publishers, Wichita, Kansas 1978–1979, p. 687 – in English tradition verse 19). 21 In the manuscript we find the form ܩܦ̇ܢ (The Odes and Psalms of Solomon, op. cit., vol. 1, photocopy of the manuscript 30 : 1–6), usually vocalized as ܩܶܦܴ̇ܢ nāp̄eq (The Odes and Psalms of Solomon, op. cit., vol. 1, p. ܓܥ), i.e. active participle masculine singular. Charlesworth suggested the reading ܩ ܰܦ̇ܢ np̄aq, i.e., 3ʳᵈ person singular perfect (The Odes of Solomon, op. cit., p. 115). 22 In the manuscript we find the form ܗܡܫ (The Odes and Psalms of Solomon, op. cit., vol. 1, photocopy of the manuscript 30 : 1–6), usually vocalized as ܗ ܶܡܫ šmeh – its name (The Odes and Psalms of Solomon, op. cit., vol. 1, p. ܓܥ). Because this meaning is out of the context, the editors suggested the form ܗܥܦܶܫ šep̄ʿeh – its overflow (The Odes and Psalms of Solomon, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 367; Thesaurus Syriacus, op. cit., p. 4271). However, both manuscripts (H and N) clearly have the form ܗܡܫ, that’s why Charlesworth changed the reading to ܗ ܰܡܰܫ šammah, i.e. 115 The 30ᵗʰ Ode of Solomon as the oldest example of the great Syriac poetry It came unlimited and invisible; It was not recognized, until it was set in the middle. 23 Blessed are they who have drunk from it And have found rest by its side. Hallelujah.” In comparison with the classical poetry of St. Ephrem the Odes of Solomon exemplify the early period of development of Syriac poetry: instead of isosyl- labic verses we have heterosyllabic rhythmical units. Thus we even dare say that they represent the oldest known collection of Syriac poetry. Bardaisan – the inventor of the isosyllabic pattern? There is a large gap of at least two centuries between the time of the composition of the Odes of Solomon and the period of poetical activity of St. Ephrem (ca. 306–373). Is it possible to determine the appearance of the isosyl- labic model in Syriac poetry? In order to answer this question, I will examine various available sources. The first hymnologist of the Syrians, according to some scholars, was the celebrated Gnostic Bardaisan (155–222). 24 He must have been a skillful and productive poet because his influence was seen as a threat to the Orthodox 3ʳᵈ masculine singular perfect Pa because parallelism suggests that we need a verb (The Odes of Solomon, op. cit., p. 115). 23 The Odist’s predilection for double entendre suggests that he was also thinking about the incarnation; it is possible to translate this line as follows, “And until He was set in the middle they knew Him not” (The Odes of Solomon, op. cit., p. 115). A possible (obvious, according to the authors) parallel to the Gospel of John 1 : 10, cf. The Odes and Psalms of Solomon, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 311. The Greek original of the verse of the Gospel reads as follows: ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ ἦν, καὶ ὁ κόσμος δι᾿ αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο, καὶ ὁ κόσμος αὐτὸν οὐκ ἔγνω (The Greek New Testament, ed. by K. Aland, M. Black, C. M. Martini, B. M. Metzger, and A. Wikgren, in cooperation with the Institute for the New Testament Textual Research, Münster/Westphalia under the direction of K. Aland and B. Aland, 3ʳᵈ ed. (corrected), Stuttgart 1984, p. 321), i.e., “He was in the world, and the world was made by him, and the world knew him not” (The Holy Bible, op. cit., p. 109 NT). The analogy is even more striking in the Syriac version: ܐ ܳܡܠ�ܳܥܘ ܂ܐ ܳܘ ̣ܗ ܗܼܶܕܝܐ̣ܺܒ ܐ ܳܡܠ�ܳܥܘ ܂ܐܳܘ̱ܗ ܐ ܳܡܠ�ܳܥܒ ܗܶܥ ̣ܕܰܝ ܴܠ (Biblia Syriaca, op. cit., III, 117) bʿālmā wā. wʿālmā ḇīḏeh hwā. wʿālmā lā yaḏʿeh (the same meaning as above). Many scholars agree that the Gospel of John was probably completed by ca. A. D. 90 (The Eerdmans Bible Dictionary, editor-in-chief D. N. Friedman, associate editor A. C. Myers, managing editor A. B. Beck, Grand Rapids-Cambridge 2000, p. 724). The above mentioned parallel would establish the date of possible composition of the Odes more firmly. 24 G. Phillips, Syriac Grammar, 3ʳᵈ ed., rev. and enlarged, Cambridge 1866, p. 190; W. Wright, A Short History of Syriac Literature, London 1894, pp. 28–30; A Select Library of the Nicene And Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church. Second Series Translated Into English With Prolegomena And Explanatory Notes. Second series, translated into English with prolegomena and explanatory notes by H. Wace and P. Schaffin connection with a number of patristic scholars of Europe and America, vol. 3: Theodoret, Jerome, Gennadius, Rufinus. Historical Writings, Grand Rapids 1969, p. 129. 116 Przemysław Turek faith. His abilities were described by St. Ephrem in his 55ᵗʰ homily of Against
25
ܐ ܳ ܬܳܪ̈ܝ ܺܡܙ ܒ̣ܶܟܰܪܘ • ܐ ܳ ܬܳܢ̈ܝ ܺܩܒ ܓ ܰܙ ̣ܡ ܰܘ • ܐܶܫ ܳܪ̈ܕ ܰܡ ܪܝ ܶܓ ܠ̣ܰܒܓ • ܝܗܘ ܰܡ ܳܓܬܷ̈ܦܒ ܶ ̣ܠ ܰܡ • ܳܨܝܰܕܪܰܒܕ ܢܝܶܠ ܳܗ ܐ ܶܗܝܺܪ̈ܟ • ܐ ܳ ܬܘܽܝܠ�ܰܚܒ ܐܶܪ̈ܳܪܡ • ܐ ܶܡ̈ܝ ܺܡ ܰ ܬܠܠ ܚܰܪ ̣ܣܐ ܰܘ • ܶ ܠ
• ܂ ܣ ܰ� ̣ܰܩܬܶܢܕ ܗܶܝܡܘܽܕܒ • ܬ̣ܰܒ ܰ ܛ ܨܶܢܕ ܗܶܪܦܘܽܫܒ • ܪܘܽܚܢܰܕ ܐ ̣ܳܒܨ ܕܝ ܺܘܰܕܒ • ܂ ܐܳܢ ܳܡܠܠܘܽܚܕ ̣ܘܰܒܓ ܳ ܠ • ܐ
ܳ ܬܠܠܘ ܽܟܐ ܶܡܕ ܐܳܪܡܳܙ • ܕܝ ܺܘܰܕ ܪ ̣ܰܡܙ ܪܝ ܶܓ ܳ ܠ • ܗܶܢܳܝܢ ܶܡܒ ܝܺܪ ̣ܰܡܘ • ܝܰ̈ܚ ܰ ܐ ܩ ̣ܰܒܫ ܗ ܶܪܳܪܫ • ܐܳܬܳܪ̈ܝ ܺܡܙ ܘ ܽܗܦܳܐ • ܒܶܟܰܪ ܢܝܺܫܡܰܚܘ ܐܐ ܳܡ • ܂ ܘܗ ܐܰܪܩܘܽܫ ܢܘ ܽܗܪܳܢܶܟܕ • ܐܶܪ̈ܘ ܽܦ ܳܟܕ hālēn dḇardayṣān | mallel bp̄eṯgāmaw | gḇal gēr maḏrāšē | wamzaḡ bqīnāṯā | wrakkeḇ zmīrāṯā 26
| wasraḥ lṯammīmē | mrārē ḇḥalyūṯā | krīhē ḏmēḵulṯā | lā ḡḇāw dḥulmānā. | bḏawīḏ ṣḇā ḏanḥūr | bšup̄reh dneṣṭaḇaṯ | bḏumyeh dneṯqalas. mā wḥamšīn rakkeḇ | ʾap̄hū zmīrāṯā | šrāreh šḇaq ʾaḥay | wmarrī ḇmenyāneh | lā ḡēr zmar dawīḏ |zāmrā ḏḵāp̄ūrē | ḏḵennārhūn šuqraw. 27 “As for Bardaisan, he used to deliver his speech so: he created the hymns, adapting them for tunes, and composed psalms, putting in them rhythms. He divided all the words into measures and meters. He provided simpletons with bitter things mixed with sweetness, so that the things unfit for consump- tion weren’t separated from the healthy ones. He admired David and craved his renown desiring to be praised the same way that one has been praised. He composed hundred fifty psalms, as did before David, but he refused their truth, oh my brothers, keeping only their number. Because David, composing the psalms, didn’t eulogize the apostates, whose harp served the lie”. 25 Sancti Patris nostri Ephraem Syri opera omnia quae exstant Graece , Syriace, Latine, in sex tomos distributa, Syriacum textum recensuit Petrus Benedictus Societatis Jesu, notis vocalibus animavit, latine vertit, & variorum scholijs locupletavit, vol. 1, Romae 1737, pp. 553–554. 26 ܐ ܷܪ̈ܡܰܙ ،ܐ ܳ ܬܳܪ̈ܝ ܻܡܙ ،ܐ ܶܪ̈ܘ ܽܡܙ ܰܡ ،ܢܝܻܪ̈ܝܺܫ [šīrīn, mazmūrē, zmīrāṯā, zamrē] psalmi aequant Hebraeorum רוֹמְזִמ et ריִשׁ (Institutiones fundamentales linguae Aramaicae seu dialectorum Chaldaicae ac Syriacae in usum juventutis academicae, editae a D. Hermanno Zschokke linguarum Semiticarum nec non biblicae veteris foederis exegeseos sublimioris in Universitats Vindobonensis facultate theologica c. e. professore publico, c. r. capellano aulico et Societatis Germano-Orientalis Lipsiae membro etc., Vindobonae 1870, p. 130). 27 This sermon was written by St. Ephrem in the pentasyllabic meter. It was most probably introduced by Bardaisan, although this pattern is traditionally associated with the name of Balai (ܝܰ�ܳܒ ܝܪ ܳܡ mār bālay), flourishing in the 5ᵗʰ century (Institutiones fundamentales linguae Aramaicae, op. cit., p. 131; T. Arayathinal, Aramaic Grammar, vol. 2, Mannanam 1959, p. 392; S. Brock,
by J. H. Eaton, Birmingham 1980, p. 6). My Polish translation of the text keeps the isosyllabic pattern of that fragment but I have chosen the octosyllabic meter because the Polish version written in pentasyllabic would be too dense to be understood: „Co się tyczy Bardajsana, | tak wygłaszał swe maksymy; | tworzył mianowicie pieśni, | adaptując do melodii, | oraz komponował psalmy, | wprowadzając do nich rytmy. | Na miary oraz na metra | podzielił był wszystkie słowa. | On to dostarczył prostaczkom | rzeczy gorzkie ze słodyczą, | a niezdatnych do spożycia | nie oddzielono od zdrowych. | Szacunkiem darzył Dawida, | sławy jego pożądając, | by podobnie go chwalono” (P. W. Turek, Od Gilgamesza do kasydy, op. cit., p. 208).
117 The 30ᵗʰ Ode of Solomon as the oldest example of the great Syriac poetry Regardless of the critical tone of the text, St. Ephrem left us crucial infor- mation concerning the artistic work of Bardaisan. He composed hymns, songs and psalms following a specific pattern and meter. Though nearly all his works have perished, we can attribute the authorship of at least a few quotations to Bardaisan, preserved in the writings of Theodor Bar Koni (the 8ᵗʰ century). I quote as an example the two following lines: 28 : ܐܚܘܢܘ ܐܝ�ܫ ܐܘܗܘ ܆ ̇ܗܘܓܒ ܪ ܰ ܐ ܳ ܐ ܬܚܨܦܬܐ ܂ܗܢܢܚܠ ܐܝܬܕܘܬ ܬܩ�ܣܘ ܇ ܗܬܡܟܚܒ ܐܝܪܡ ܚܒܬܫܐܘ ʾeṯpaṣḥaṯ ʾāʾar bḡawwāh | wahwā šelyā wnawḥā weštabbaḥ māryā ḇḥeḵmṯeh wselqaṯ tawdīṯā laḥnāneh. “The air rejoiced in it, and there was quietness and serenity. The Lord was glorified in his wisdom, and thanks were given for his mercy.” 29 Here is the metrical pattern of that stanza: || (7+6) [3+3] || (7+8) [3+3] The lines are not isosyllabic, there is a caesura in each line, and the metrical pattern is based on three ictuses per half-verse (hemistich) 3+3. The peculiarity of the Bardaisan’s verse would consist of the regularity of caesura and the fixed number of ictuses. His poetical works would, therefore, represent a transitional period from the heterosyllabic pattern based on the almost fixed number of ic- tuses to the regular isosyllabic verse, represented by the works of St. Ephrem. Kathleen E. Mcvey, reviewing the arguments of Beck concerning the Bardai- san’s method of composing didactic songs (ܐܶܫܳܪ̈ܕ ܰܡ maḏrāšē), argues that according to St. Ephrem’s sermon (mentioned above), the novelty of Bardaisan’s didactic
psalms are concerned, he introduced greater metric regularity (most probably isosyllabic lines) to that song form. 30 Therefore, the contradiction between Theodor bar Koni’s traditional point of view and the testimony coming from St. Ephrem is only apparent; no one required from Bardaisan to abstain from writing in other traditional forms of song. 31
St. Ephrem himself speaks in favor of that opinion. His 65. didactic song (ܐܳܫܳܪܕ ܰܡ maḏrāšā) from the cycle Adversus scrutatores (Against Scrutators) ends with following remark: ܳܨܝܰܕܪܰܒܕ ܝܗܘܰܪ̈ܝܺܫܕ ܶܠܳ̈ܩ ܠܰܥ ܢܝܺܫܳܪ̈ܕ ܰܡ ܪ ܰܣܥ ܰܬܳܒܫ ܘܡܶ�ܫ šlem šḇāṯaʿsar 28 After The Odes and Psalms of Solomon, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 128. The transcription following all Syriac texts in this paper is mine. 29 My translation differs from that of Harris and Mingana, “The air rejoiced in it: And there was quiet and rest, And the Lord was glorified in His wisdom, And thanks mounted to His grace” (The Odes and Psalms of Solomon, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 128). 30 K. E. Mcvey, Were the earliest madrāšē songs or recitations?, [in:] After Bardaisan. Studies on Continuity and Change in Syriac Christianity in Honour of Professor Han J. W. Drijvers, ed. by G. J. Reinink and A. C. Klugkist, Leuven 1999, pp. 188–190. 31 Kathleen E. Mcvey, Were the earliest madrāšē songs..., op. cit., p. 190. 118 Przemysław Turek maḏrāšīn ʿal qālē ḏšīraw dḇardayṣān – [here] end the didactic songs according to the melodies of Bardaisan’s songs 32 . If the remark comes from St. Ephrem himself, we have another proof that Bardaisan used the pentasyllabic meter in his poetical works because those maḏrāšē (XLIX–XLV) are composed in that pattern. It is enough to have a close look at the structure of the mentioned songs. 33 The accurate isosyllabic pattern could have been introduced to the Syriac poetry by Bardaisan’s son, Harmonius, a continuator of his father’s literary activity. 34 A Byzantine historian of the Church, Hermias Sozomen (Σωζομενὸς Ἑρμίας), writing in the first half of the 5ᵗʰ century, dedicated a long passage to an alleged Hellenic based influence of Harmonius on Syriac poetry and hymnody: Ἁρμόνιος ὁ Βαρδησάνου παῖς· […] διὰ τῶν παρ’ Ἕλλησι λόγον ἀχθέντα, πρῶτον μέτροις καὶ νόμοις μουσικοῖς τὴν πάτριον φωνὴν ὑπαγαγεῖν, καὶ χοροῖς παραδοῦναι, […] Ἰδὼν δὲ Ἐφραὶμ κηλουμένους τοὺς Σύρους τῷ κάλλει τῶν ὀνομάτων, καὶ τῷ ῥυθμῷ τῆς μελῳδίας, καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο προσεθιζομένους ὁμοίως αὐτῷ δοξάζειν, καίπερ Ἑλλενικῆς παιδείας ἄμοιρος, ἐπέστη τῇ καταλήψει τῶν Ἁρμονίου μέτρον· καὶ πρὸς τὰ μέλη τῶν ἐκείνου γραμμάτων, ἑτέρας γραφὰς συνᾳδούσας τοῖς ἐκκλησιαστικοῖς δόγμασι συνέθηκεν· ὁποῖα αὐτῷ πεπόνητο ἐν θείοις ὕμνοις καὶ ἐγκωμίοις ἀπαθῶν ἀνδρῶν. Ἐξ ἐκείνου τε Σύροι κατὰ τὸν νόμον τῆς Ἁρμονίου ᾠδῆς τὰ τοῦ Ἐφραὶμ ψάλλουσιν. 35 “Bardesanes […] and Harmonius, his son. It is related that this latter was deeply versed in Grecian erudition, and was the first to subdue his native tongue to meters and musical laws; these verses he delivered to the choirs […] When Ephraim perceived that the Syrians were charmed with the elegance of the diction and the rhythm of the melody, he became apprehensive, lest they should imbibe the same opinions; and therefore, although he was ignorant of Grecian learning, he applied himself to the understanding of the metres of Harmonius, and composed similar poems in accordance with the doctrines of the Church, and wrought also in sacred hymns and in the praises of passionless men. From 32 ܐܢܦ�ܡ ܡܝܪܦܐ ܝܪܡ ܐܢܒܘܛ ̣ܣܓ�ܣܕ ܐܡ̈ܝܣܕ ܢܝܪ̈ܬܕ ܐܬܘܓ�ܦ Sancti Patris nostri Ephraem Syri opera omnia quae exstant Graece , Syriace, Latine, op. cit., vol. 3, p. 128. 33 “It is a pity that the Benedictine edition did not arrange them metrically so that the measure of the verse might be at once presented to the eye. After a short examination, however, it may be ascertained that these poems are written in pentesyllable verse, i.e., each line consists of five syllables” (G. Phillips, Syriac Grammar, op. cit., p. 192). 34 “Harmonius, the son of Bardesanes, stands next in the history of this subject, both chronologically and for his successful cultivation of sacred poetry. He is reported to have studied at Athens, and to have become well acquainted with the literature of the Greeks. Some writers have stated that he indeed was the first to compose the hymns in Syriac, and they assign to him the honours, which by an almost general consent have been assigned to his father” (G. Phillips, Syriac Grammar, op. cit., pp. 193–194). 35 Socrates et Sozomenus, accurante J.-P. Migne, Lutetiae Parisiorum 1864, p. 1089 (Patrologiae Cursus Completus. Patrologiae Greacae, 67). 119 The 30ᵗʰ Ode of Solomon as the oldest example of the great Syriac poetry that period the Syrians sang the odes of Ephraim according to the law of the ode established by Harmonius.” 36 Sozomen most probably exaggerated the Greek influence on the Syriac poetry. 37 But his testimony is important because he acknowledged the fact that the Syriac versification had been by that time already developed. As it was in the case of Bardaisan, we do not find many quotations of Har- monius’ works. In his Prose Refutations of Mani, Marcion, and Bardaisan St. Ephrem preserved a stanza composed by Harmonius in the heptasyllabic pattern: 38 ܐ ܴܬ̄ܢܰܫܕ ܐ ܳܡܷܐ ܝܺܪܫܷܬ ّܘܐ ܐܴܬܹܪܚ ̄ ܐ ܝܺܪܫ ܷܬ ܢ ܰܠ ܕܶܠܘܱܐ ʾō ṯešrī ʾemmā ḏšattā ʾawleḏ lan tešrī ḥrệṯā “O October, 39 mother of the year, Beget us another October!” 40 36 The ecclesiastical history of Sozomen. Comprising a history of the church from A. D. 324 to A. D. 440, translated from the Greek with a memoir of the author, London 1855, p. 135. 37 Cf. the critical opinion of S. Brock, “Evidently we are dealing with an example of Greek chauvinism, which preferred to see anything good in barbarian Syriac culture – such as Ephrem’s poetry, some of it already translated into Greek by Sozomen’s day – as ultimately derivative from Greek civilization” (S. Brock, An Introduction to Syriac Studies, op. cit., p. 6). “Sebastian Brock has studied Sozomen’s version of events critically and come to the conclusion (agreeing with Rubens Duval in his Littérature syriaque [Paris, 1899]), that he very much exaggerates the Greek influence on Syriac poetry; see his ‘Syriac and Greek hymnography, problems of origins’, Studia Patristica 16 = Texte und Untersuchungen 129 (1985), pp. 77–81, reprinted in his Studies in Syriac Christianity (Aldershot, 1992), ch. VI” (A. Palmer, “The Influence of Ephraim the Syrian,” ܐܝܓ̈ܘܗ Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 2 (1999) No. 1, p. 11, n. 18). Gustav Hölscher already accused Sozomen of being wrong: Harmonius could not have created Syriac versification based on the Greek pattern because the isosyllabic Syriac prosody existed earlier (G. Hölscher, Syrische verskunst, Leipzig 1932, pp. 1–2). 38 I have copied the text in serṭō and provided with vocalic signs. The manuscript, written in ʾesṭrangelā, comes from the 5ᵗʰ or the 6ᵗʰ century (S. Ephraim’s prose refutations of Mani, Marcion, and Bardaisan, of which the greater part has been transcribed from the palimpsest B.M. add. 14623 and is now first published by C. W. Mitchell, vol. 2: The discourse called “Of Domnus” and six other writings, London 1912, p. (3), IV). It reads as follows (S. Ephraim’s prose refutations, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 223, col. 1, vs. 14–17): ܕܠܘܐ ܐܬܢܫܕ | ܐܡܐ ܝܪܫܬ ܡܠ | ܘܐ ܗܫܪܕܡܒ | ܐܬܪܚܐ ܝܪܫܬ | ܢܠ . The expression ܗܫܪܕܡܒ bmaḏrāšeh means “in his didactic song”; ܡܠ lam is an enclitic particle in the second position marking direct speech (M. Sokoloff, A Syriac Lexicon, op. cit., p. 691). 39 ܡܶܕܩ ܢܝܺܪܫܷܬ | ܝܺܪܫܷܬ tešrī | tešrīn qḏem, Syriac equivalent of October, first month of the Syriac year counted from the beginning of Seleucid era, i.e., from year 312 BCE. The month was followed by tešrī II ܝܳܪܚ̄ܐ ܢܝܺܪܫܷܬ | ܝܺܪܫܷܬ tešrī | tešrīn ḥrāy (S. Ephraim’s prose refutations, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. cxxvii–cxxviii; cf. C. Brockelmann, Syrische Grammatik mit Paradigmen, Literatur,
40 St. Ephrem explained the meaning of the stanza as follows: ܪ ̣ܡܐ ܐ̈ܝܚܕ ܐܡܐ ܠܥ ܢܝܕ ܘܢܗ hānaw dēn ʿal ʾammā ḏḥayyē ʾemar – he speaks then of Mother of Life (S. Ephraim’s prose refutations, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 223, col. 1, vs. 18–19). 120 Przemysław Turek The metrical analysis of structure of the stanza looks as follows:
The stanza is composed of regular heptasyllabic pattern with the same number of ictuses – a meter typical of Syriac poetry. That meter has been linked with the works of St. Ephrem. Therefore, it would confirm the idea of the pioneering work of Harmonius: he was supposed to have introduced the meters which St. Ephrem adopted and used in his didactic songs and poems. 41 The St. Ephrem’s biography compiled in the 6ᵗʰ century mentioned his battle against the teachings of Bardaisan and his followers, as well as (indirectly) the saint’s struggle with the influence of Harmonius. 42 Conclusion The early period of development of Syriac poetry was characterized by the use of heterosyllabic rhythmical units with a metrical pattern based mainly on three ictuses . The strophic poems, most probably isosyllabic (with penta- syllabic pattern), have been introduced most likely by Bardaisan. Harmonius, his son, popularized the heptasyllabic pattern and St. Ephrem made good use of the achievements of both his predecessors. It was also St. Ephrem who influenced the further development of Greek poetry with its characteristic use of the isosyllabic pattern. 43 41 S. Ephraim’s prose refutations, op. cit., vol. 2, p. cxxviii. 42 ܐܢܦ�ܡ ܡܝܪܦܐ ܝܪܡ ܐܢܒܘܛ ̣ܣܓ�ܣܕ ܐܡ̈ܝܣܕ ܢܝܪ̈ܬܕ ܐܬܘܓ�ܦ, op. cit., p. L–LIII. Although the name of Har- monius is not mentioned directly in the version I quote (ܡܝܪܦܐ ܝܪܡ ܐܢܒܘܛ ̣ܣܓ�ܣܕ ܐܡ̈ܝܣܕ ܢܝܪ̈ܬܕ ܐܬܘܓ�ܦ ܐܢܦ�ܡ, op. cit., p. LII, or V – Vaticanum), it appears in other versions of the life of St. Ephrem (S. Brock, “St. Ephrem in the Eyes of Later Syriac Liturgical Tradition,” ܐܝܓ̈ܘܗ Hugoye: Journal
43 “But it was through Ephraim that the forms of Syriac poetry came to influence those of Greek poetry, not through Bardesanes and Harmonios. Whatever these may have learned from the Greeks, it was not isosyllabic metres, which were probably first used in Greek in the late fourth century. Bardesanes may have invented stanzaic poetry, but Romanos derived his models from Ephraim” (A. Palmer, The Influence of Ephraim, op. cit., p. 12). Yüklə 319,17 Kb. Dostları ilə paylaş:
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