Economies of Scale Versus Participation: a Co-operative Dilemma?
Jones, D.C.; Kalmi, P.
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JEOD - Vol.1, Issue 1 (2012)
varying
degrees of success, to pressures to sustain democracy. in the concluding section we summarize and
discuss implications of our findings.
2. Co-operatives: Definitions
For our purposes the essential features of co-operatives are given by enterprises that have two
characteristics: 1) Ownership is not determined solely by investment in shares, but by another transaction
relationship with the enterprise (as employees, suppliers, or customers); 2) Voting rights are not determined
in relation to capital ownership but are divided equally among members.
2
This definition de-emphasizes
other rochdale principles including open membership, limited interest on capital, religious neutrality, cash
trading and the promotion of education (Bonner, 1961).
Diverse forms of co-operatives exist. Hansmann (1996) and Birchall (1997) amongst others provide
good descriptions of co-operatives around the globe.
3
Empirically, the most prevalent forms of primary
co-operatives, both in Europe, North America and elsewhere, appear to be co-operatives in the agricultural
sector (mainly in food production), in banking and finance (in the form of credit unions and co-operative
banks), in insurance (either mutual or co-operative form), and in retailing, where co-operatives are either
retailer- or consumer-owned (the latter is fairly uncommon in the US but is very popular in some European
countries). Co-operatives are economically significant actors all around the globe. According to the
international Co-operative Alliance, the combined membership in co-operatives now exceeds one billion
people (see iCA 2012)
Moreover, some co-operative types, including co-operative banks, are of growing importance in their
sectors (Fonteyne 2007). For example, around 91 million inhabitants of the US were members of credit
unions in 2010 (WOCCU 2011)
4
, representing a substantial growth from 1996 when the membership
totaled around 70 million (Emmons and Schmid 1999). in France, co-operative financial institutions have
more than 50 % market share of deposits and almost 20 million members or almost one-third of total
population
5,
. Another example is social co-operatives which have assumed prominence in sectors in several
countries including italy (e.g. Borzaga and Defourny (2004)) However, the importance of co-operatives
does not derive solely from their economic significance, but also from their democratic governance and
their perceived ability to address market and government failures (see, e.g., Kalmi 2007). in part reflecting
their social objectives, associations of co-operatives are a prominent feature of the co-operative landscape.
2
Ben-Ner and Jones (1995) investigate the roles of variation in control and return rights among diverse enterprises, including
some co-operatives.
3
The first co-operatives appear to have been established in the eighteenth century. Early utopian writers, notably robert Owen,
who saw co-operative communities as alternatives to competitive and individualistic capitalism, were a major stimulus to the
establishment of these first co-operatives. Equally, practical necessities, such as the need to obtain unadulterated foods, played
major roles in the formation of early co-ops such as the flour mills at Woolwich in the 1760’s and the famous rochdale store
in 1844. Subsequently while the development of the co-op movement continued to be inspired by the writings and actions of
individuals such as Fourier, Blanc, and Buchez, pragmatic considerations have always played prominent roles in the evolution of
co-operatives.
4
Our data on what constitute “co-operatives” are self- reported, either by co-ops or their associations. We do not attempt to
systematically assess the extent to which these different co-ops are “democractic”.
5
This information comes from the European Association of Co-operative Banks (EACB) website www.eurocoopbanks.coop
augmented with information from Caisse D’Epargne (which is a co-operative banking group not affiliated with EACB) website
www.caisse-epargne.fr.
Economies of Scale Versus Participation: a Co-operative Dilemma?
Jones, D.C.; Kalmi, P.
40
JEOD - Vol.1, Issue 1 (2012)
While a wide variety of firms can be listed under the co-operative umbrella, the form that has proved
to be of particular interest to economists is the producer or worker co-operative. in such firms, the position
of the worker is crucial so that membership is restricted to worker-members in the business who effectively
own and control the firm. One of the best known examples today of worker co-operatives is the Mondragon
co-operatives (see http://www.mcc.es/ing/). There are also important contemporary examples in italy and
France. Other cases of producer co-operatives, past and present, that have attracted attention include the
US plywood co-ops (Craig and Pencavel, 1992), PCs in Uruguay (Burdin and Dean, 2009) and PCs in the
former Soviet–type economies (e.g. for the case of Poland, Jones, 1993).
6
3. Democracy
3.1 Issues in individual coops
To guide our subsequent theoretical discussions, in this section we note that the literature on co-
operatives distinguishes different meanings of “democracy”. These differing senses are, in turn, associated
with what are, potentially at least, varying democratic challenges. For our purposes it is especially important
to note that the importance and nature of “democratic challenges” can be expected to vary by co-op type
and co-op structure. in particular we distinguish several matters surround the meaning and maintenance of
democracy within individual co-ops from democratic challenges that primarily concern groups of co-ops.
For individual co-ops we identify three matters of especial interest. First are issues concerning
appropriate democratic decision-making procedures and structures.
These include matters such as
the nature and form of representative democracy, matters that have long interested theorists of liberal
democracy such as Pateman (1976) and Laycock (1989.) These arrangements are apt to be less of an
issue in small co-ops with homogeneous membership, but could assume more significance in larger and
multi-establishment co-ops with heterogeneous memberships and representative structures for decision-
making (Hansmann, 1996.). They may also assume more significance in different kinds of co-ops where
the basis for membership differs. For example, in worker co-ops, especial importance can be expected to
attach to devising appropriate machinery for democracy at the workplace as well as for efficient forms of
representative democracy. in other words, the maintenance of democratic decision-making structures may
be challenged by economies of scale and scope (which we will review in the next section).
Many studies on co-operatives have been pessimistic about the maintenance of co-operative
governance structure when co-operatives grow in size and complexity. For example, Nilsson et al. (2009)
review evidence for agricultural co-ops in various countries including Sweden, Canada and ireland and
find that size and complexity in co-ops typically result in democracy being undermined. They present fresh
evidence for a Swedish case and, by highlighting tensions between managers and members, show how such
6
As such co-operatives are distinguished from most employee owned firms and firms with other financial incentives such as
profit sharing and other forms of “shared capitalism” (Kruse, Freeman and Blasi, 2010.) in the vast majority of instances of
employee ownership, and unlike in co-operatives, voting rights reflect ownership of capital which are not equal either amongst
employees or between employee and non-employee owners. in firms with employee ownership, capital owners sometimes do
introduce arrangements that enable employees to have enhanced involvement in decision-making. While this often happens,
it is also rarely to such a degree that firms with employee ownership and worker co-operatives are aligned in this respect.
instances in which this has happened, such as the Eroski retail chain in Spain (Arando et al. 2011a) or in some British consumer
co-operatives where employee directors are present (Jones, 1987) are the exception rather than the rule.