60
The Wealth of Nations
longing to two distinct persons, the profits of stock, and the wages
of labour.
Such cases, however, are not very frequent; and in every part of
Europe twenty workmen serve under a master for one that is inde-
pendent, and the wages of labour are everywhere understood to
be, what they usually are, when the labourer is one person, and
the owner of the stock which employs him another.
What are the common wages of labour, depends everywhere
upon the contract usually made between those two parties, whose
interests are by no means the same. The workmen desire to get as
much, the masters to give as little, as possible. The former are
disposed to combine in order to raise, the latter in order to lower,
the wages of labour.
It is not, however, difficult to foresee which of the two parties
must, upon all ordinary occasions, have the advantage in the dis-
pute, and force the other into a compliance with their terms. The
masters, being fewer in number, can combine much more easily:
and the law, besides, authorises, or at least does not prohibit, their
combinations, while it prohibits those of the workmen. We have
no acts of parliament against combining to lower the price of work,
but many against combining to raise it. In all such disputes, the
masters can hold out much longer. A landlord, a farmer, a master
manufacturer, or merchant, though they did not employ a single
workman, could generally live a year or two upon the stocks, which
they have already acquired. Many workmen could not subsist a
week, few could subsist a month, and scarce any a year, without
employment. In the long run, the workman may be as necessary
to his master as his master is to him; but the necessity is not so
immediate.
We rarely hear, it has been said, of the combinations of masters,
though frequently of those of workmen. But whoever imagines,
upon this account, that masters rarely combine, is as ignorant of
the world as of the subject. Masters are always and everywhere in
a sort of tacit, but constant and uniform, combination, not to
raise the wages of labour above their actual rate. To violate this
combination is everywhere a most unpopular action, and a sort of
reproach to a master among his neighbours and equals. We sel-
dom, indeed, hear of this combination, because it is the usual,
and, one may say, the natural state of things, which nobody ever
hears of. Masters, too, sometimes enter into particular combina-
tions to sink the wages of labour even below this rate. These are
always conducted with the utmost silence and secrecy till the mo-
ment of execution; and when the workmen yield, as they some-
times do without resistance, though severely felt by them, they are
never heard of by other people. Such combinations, however, are
frequently resisted by a contrary defensive combination of the
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Adam Smith
workmen, who sometimes, too, without any provocation of this
kind, combine, of their own accord, to raise tile price of their
labour. Their usual pretences are, sometimes the high price of pro-
visions, sometimes the great profit which their masters make by
their work. But whether their combinations be offensive or defen-
sive, they are always abundantly heard of. In order to bring the
point to a speedy decision, they have always recourse to the loud-
est clamour, and sometimes to the most shocking violence and
outrage. They are desperate, and act with the folly and extrava-
gance of desperate men, who must either starve, or frighten their
masters into an immediate compliance with their demands. The
masters, upon these occasions, are just as clamorous upon the other
side, and never cease to call aloud for the assistance of the civil
magistrate, and the rigorous execution of those laws which have
been enacted with so much severity against the combination of
servants, labourers, and journeymen. The workmen, accordingly,
very seldom derive any advantage from the violence of those tu-
multuous combinations, which, partly from the interposition of
the civil magistrate, partly from the superior steadiness of the
masters, partly from the necessity which the greater part of the
workmen are under of submitting for the sake of present subsis-
tence, generally end in nothing but the punishment or ruin of the
ringleaders.
But though, in disputes with their workmen, masters must gen-
erally have the advantage, there is, however, a certain rate, below
which it seems impossible to reduce, for any considerable time,
the ordinary wages even of the lowest species of labour.
A man must always live by his work, and his wages must at least
be sufficient to maintain him. They must even upon most occa-
sions be somewhat more, otherwise it would be impossible for
him to bring up a family, and the race of such workmen could not
last beyond the first generation. Mr Cantillon seems, upon this
account, to suppose that the lowest species of common labourers
must everywhere earn at least double their own maintenance, in
order that, one with another, they may be enabled to bring up two
children; the labour of the wife, on account of her necessary at-
tendance on the children, being supposed no more than sufficient
to provide for herself: But one half the children born, it is com-
puted, die before the age of manhood. The poorest labourers, there-
fore, according to this account, must, one with another, attempt
to rear at least four children, in order that two may have an equal
chance of living to that age. But the necessary maintenance of
four children, it is supposed, may be nearly equal to that of one
man. The labour of an able-bodied slave, the same author adds, is
computed to be worth double his maintenance; and that of the
meanest labourer, he thinks, cannot be worth less than that of an