745
Adam Smith
jects, and whose universal bankruptcy, if it should happen the day
after the farm is expired, would not much affect their interest. In
the greatest exigencies of the state, when the anxiety of the sover-
eign for the exact payment of his revenue is necessarily the great-
est, they seldom fail to complain, that without laws more rigorous
than those which actually took place, it will be impossible for
them to pay even the usual rent. In those moments of public dis-
tress, their commands cannot be disputed. The revenue laws, there-
fore, become gradually more and more severe. The most sangui-
nary are always to be found in countries where the greater part of
the public revenue is in farm; the mildest, in countries where it is
levied under the immediate inspection of the sovereign. Even a
bad sovereign feels more compassion for his people than can ever
be expected from the farmers of his revenue. He knows that the
permanent grandeur of his family depends upon the prosperity of
his people, and he will never knowingly ruin that prosperity for
the sake of any momentary interest of his own. It is otherwise
with the farmers of his revenue, whose grandeur may frequently
be the effect of the ruin, and not of the prosperity, of his people.
A tax is sometimes not only farmed for a certain rent, but the
farmer has, besides, the monopoly of the commodity taxed. In
France, the duties upon tobacco and salt are levied in this manner.
In such cases, the farmer, instead of one, levies two exorbitant
profits upon the people; the profit of the farmer, and the still more
exorbitant one of the monopolist. Tobacco being a luxury, every
man is allowed to buy or not to buy as he chuses; but salt being a
necessary, every man is obliged to buy of the farmer a certain quan-
tity of it; because, if he did not buy this quantity of the farmer, he
would, it is presumed, buy it of some smuggler. The taxes upon
both commodities are exorbitant. The temptation to smuggle,
consequently, is to many people irresistible; while, at the same
time, the rigour of the law, and the vigilance of the farmer’s offic-
ers, render the yielding to the temptation almost certainly ruin-
ous. The smuggling of salt and tobacco sends every year several
hundred people to the galleys, besides a very considerable number
whom it sends to the gibbet. Those taxes, levied in this manner,
yield a very considerable revenue to government. In 1767, the
farm of tobacco was let for twenty-two millions five hundred and
forty-one thousand two hundred and seventy-eight livres a-year;
that of salt for thirty-six millions four hundred and ninety-two
thousand four hundred and four livres. The farm, in both cases,
was to commence in 1768, and to last for six years. Those who
consider the blood of the people as nothing, in comparison with
the revenue of the prince, may, perhaps, approve of this method
of levying taxes. Similar taxes and monopolies of salt and tobacco
have been established in many other countries, particularly in the
746
The Wealth of Nations
Austrian and Prussian dominions, and in the greater part of the
states of Italy.
In France, the greater part of the actual revenue of the crown is
derived from eight different sources; the taille, the capitation, the
two vingtiemes, the gabelles, the aides, the traites, the domaine,
and the farm of tobacco. The live last are, in the greater part of the
provinces, under farm. The three first are everywhere levied by an
administration, under the immediate inspection and direction of
government; and it is universally acknowledged, that in propor-
tion to what they take out of the pockets of the people, they bring
more into the treasury of the prince than the other five, of which
the administration is much more wasteful and expensive.
The finances of France seem, in their present state, to admit of
three very obvious reformations. First, by abolishing the taille and
the capitation, and by increasing the number of the vingtiemes, so
as to produce an additional revenue equal to the amount of those
other taxes, the revenue of the crown might be preserved; the ex-
pense of collection might be much diminished; the vexation of
the inferior ranks of people, which the taille and capitation occa-
sion, might be entirely prevented; and the superior ranks might
not be more burdened than the greater part of them are at present.
The vingtieme, I have already observed, is a tax very nearly of the
same kind with what is called the land tax of England. The bur-
den of the taille, it is acknowledged, falls finally upon the propri-
etors of land; and as the greater part of the capitation is assessed
upon those who are subject to the taille, at so much a-pound of
that other tax, the final payment of the greater part of it must
likewise fall upon the same order of people. Though the number
of the vingtiemes, therefore, was increased, so as to produce an
additional revenue equal to the amount of both those taxes, the
superior ranks of people might not be more burdened than they
are at present; many individuals, no doubt, would, on account of
the great inequalities with which the taille is commonly assessed
upon the estates and tenants of different individuals. The interest
and opposition of such favoured subjects, are the obstacles most
likely to prevent this, or any other reformation of the same kind.
Secondly, by rendering the gabelle, the aides, the traites, the taxes
upon tobacco, all the different customs and excises, uniform in all
the different parts of the kingdom, those taxes might be levied at
much less expense, and the interior commerce of the kingdom
might be rendered as free as that of England. Thirdly, and lastly,
by subjecting all those taxes to an administration under the im-
mediate inspection and direction or government, the exorbitant
profits of the farmers-general might be added to the revenue of
the state. The opposition arising from the private interest of indi-
viduals, is likely to be as effectual for preventing the two last as the