BEST LEFT AS INDIANS
183
mendicants. I am daily in receipt of letters from Indians written
by a missionary, asking for all sorts of favours. 19
While appeals by natives on their own behalf were few, there were several
requests for title to specific tracts of land on the basis of traditional occupation.
In 1900 Jim Boss asked for a parcel of land on Lake Laberge, arguing that it
"has been occupied by his people from time irnmemorial.20 In 1933, Joe
Squam, "chief" of the Teslin Indians, similarly claimed lands in the Wolf Lake
region on the basis that he had "hunted and trapped over this ground since a
child. "21 In both instances, the individual actions resented on a desire for
personal gain, not on assertion of broader native claim. Boss's representation,
however, was successful and the government allocated a small reserve. Squam's
claims met with a hasty rejection. More generally, the Indians did not hesitate
to defend their interests, but they seldom based their appeals to government on
inherent right of occupation. Protests over game laws or inappropriate govern-
ment regulations focused on economic hardship, not aboriginal title to land or
resources. 22 That the natives did not systematically defend their right to game
does not indicate lack of interest. Rather, it suggests that the natives continued
to live off the land and that they were confident that the largely unchallenged
occupation would continue.
The government's main goal, illustrated in Oliver's comments, centred on
maintaining the Indians in their now "traditional" role as hunters and trappers.
From 1894 to 1950, there was little commitment to assimilation, except as a
far distant goal unlikely to be accomplished. Instead, the federal authorities
remained determined to preserve the "Indian way." To this end the government
felt it had to keep the Indians from the questionable benefits of the mining
industry and socially segregated from the depredations of an inherently
avaricious white population. Instead of highlighting its assimilationist goals,
the government emphasized the need to protect the Indians from destruction.
In many ways (as J. Chamberlin has asserted), protection and assimilation were
contradictory goals:
From its initial promulgation (the Indian Act of 1876), there
have been those who have questioned the sanity of a piece of
legislation which actively discouraged, and indeed in some areas
positively prohibited, the assimilation of the Indian into the social
and economic life of the non-native population, while at the same
time being the centrepiece of a broad policy of moving the Indians
towards full citizenship and full participation in Canadian life. By
existing to regulate and systematize the relationship between the
Indian and the majority society, the (Indian) Act codifies and
often exaggerates the distinctions which it is its function eventual-
ly to eliminate (Chamberlin, 1975:90).
In the Yukon, the government followed the preferred national option: protec-
tion. Their choice was to leave the Indians as harvesters of game. Two policies,
184
KEN COATES
that of residential reservations and that of preservation of access to game,
served as the practical, regional manifestations of this larger program.
The desire for a mechanism for social segregation first surfaced in 1896
with the commencement of the Klondike Gold Rush. William Bompas requested
a small reserve near Dawson City to keep his native communicants separated
from the miners. Despite the contrary judgements of N.W.M.P. Inspector
Constantine and Territorial Commissioner William Ogilvie, the Department of
Indian Affairs eventually allocated a small plot of land. The 160 acre parcel was
located three miles downstream from Dawson City, not as far away as
Constantine and Ogilvie wished, but removed from the centre of white popula-
tion. 23 Further debate over this reserve illustrated the limited importance
accorded to the affairs of Indians, in the face of potential northern development.
Repeated requests for an extension of the plot were rejected on the basis of
Ogilvie's representation that "discoveries of gold have been made in that vicinity,
and before I recommend any extension of the 160 acres, I will await the
development of this ground, as gold mining ground. "24
The federal government enacted such a process of residential reserve alloca-
tion whenever lands were subjected to development pressure or natives moved
too close to a white community. When ore containing lead and silver was dis-
covered near Mayo in 1915, several Indians moved into the town, attracted by
perceived opportunities. The government quickly laid out a native residential
reserve 2½ miles downstream from the new community - and on the opposite
side of the river. The Mayo reserve met both of the government's criteria,
removing the Indians from potentially valuable land and protecting the natives
from white influence. Over the following years, Indian Agent John Hawksley
lauded the positive results of the transfer. 25 Securing such a reserve did not
guarantee permanence. If whites demanded access to lands granted to the
natives, the government arranged a hasty transfer of the Indian reserve. In the
Whitehorse area, for example, the government shifted the reserve four times
between 1915 and 1921. 26 While government self-interest determined many
reserve allotments, federal authorities occasionally permitted native needs to
govern the location of reserves. In 1898 at Tagish 27 and again at Little Salmon
in 1915, the government preserved native lands from white encroachment. As
the federal surveyor responsible for laying out the Little Salmon parcel noted,
however, "It is a matter of record that the Indians have not made any request
for this reserve. 28 The Yukon situation paralleled experience elsewhere in
Canada. Native reserves were constantly subject to white encroachment and re-
location. The distinct nature of the Yukon experience lay in the use of resi-
dential reserves, small parcels of land destined to serve as little more than a
site for seasonal homes. In the south, where hope remained that the Indians
would become agriculturalists, the natives received larger reserves.
Throughout the territory the government applied the residential reserve
concept, typically according to the Mayo plan. In addition to the Dawson,
Mayo, Little Salmon and Whitehorse allotments, the federal government esta-
blished reserves at Carcross, Teslin, Selkirk, Carmacks and Old Crow. The
government's attempt to encourage native settlement on lands removed from