And finally the number of PAUPERS dependent upon poor relief from public funds in 1863: 1,079,382.
On this basis we may make an unofficial list of those workers unquestionably very badly off in 1863: agricultural day
labourers in round figures 1,100,000; cotton operatives 469,000; seamstresses and milliners 751,000; tailors and
shoemakers, after the deduction of 30%, 401,000; lace-makers 150,000; paper-makers 100,000; hosiery workers 120,000;
smaller branches investigated by the CHILDRENS EMPLOYMENT COMMISSION 189,000; and finally PAUPERS
1,079,000. Together 4,549,000 workers, added to which, in some cases, their family members.
And 1863 was a good business year. The crisis of 1857 had been fully overcome, demand was rising rapidly, with the
exception of the cotton industry nearly all branches of business were very busy. So where is the "unexampled"
improvement to be found?
The factory legislation of the forties had decisively improved the lot of those workers subject to it. But in 1863 this
benefited only the workers employed in wool, linen and silk, altogether about 270,000, while the cotton operatives were
starving. For bleaching workers and dye workers, legal protection existed Only on paper. Further: in branches of work in
which full male strength and sometimes dexterity are indispensable, the resistance of the workers, organised in trade
associations, had forced through for themselves a share of the proceeds of the favourable business period, and it may be
said that on the average for these branches of work, involving heavy male labour, the living standard of the workers had
risen decisively, though it is still ridiculous to describe this improvement as "unexampled". But while the great mass of
productive work has been transferred to machines operated by weaker men, by women and young workers, the politicians
like to treat the strong men employed in heavy work as the only workers, and to judge the whole working class according
to their standard.
Against the 4 1/2 million worse-off workers and PAUPERS detailed above, we have, as well-off, 270,000 textile workers
in wool, linen and silk. Further we may assume that of the 376,000 metal workers one third were well-off, one third
middling, and only the last third, including the workers under 18, the nail-makers, chain-smiths, and women, were badly
off. We may classify the situation of the 566,000 miners as medium-good. The situation of the building craftsmen may be
considered as good, apart from those in the cotton districts. Amongst the joiners, at most 1/3 were well-off, the great mass
worked for blood-sucking SWEATERS. Amongst the railway employees there was already at that period colossal
overworking, which has only brought about organised resistance in the last 20 years. In short, we may add together in total
scarcely one million of whom we may say that their situation had improved in relation to the improvement in the business
and the profits of the Capitalists; what remains over is in a middling situation, has a few, on the whole insignificant,
benefits from the better business period, or consists of such a mixture of working people according to sex and age that the
improvements for the men are offset by the overworking of the women and young workers.
And if this should not suffice, then one should consult the "Reports on PUBLIC HEALTH" which became necessary
precisely because the "unexampled" improvement for the working class in the 20 years up to 1863 showed itself as typhus,
cholera and other jolly epidemics, which finally spread from the working-class quarters to the genteel areas of the cities.
Here the unexampled "augmentation of the means of subsistence" of the British worker is investigated with respect to
housing and food, and it is found that in many cases his dwelling was simply a centre of infection, and his nourishment was
on the borderline, or even beneath the border at which starvation diseases necessarily occur.
This was the real condition of the British working class at the beginning of 1863. This was the face of the "unexampled"
improvement for the working class of which Mr. Gladstone boasted. And if Marx is to he blamed for anything, it is that he
did Mr. Gladstone an unearned service by omitting his bragging statement.
----
Conclusion: Firstly, Marx "lyingly added" nothing.
Secondly, he "suppressed" nothing about which Mr. Gladstone might have a right to complain.
And thirdly, the octopus-like tenacity with which Mr. Brentano and his companions cling to this single quotation amongst
the many thousands of quotations in Marx's writing proves that they know only too well "how Karl Marx quotes" -- namely
correctly
1891: Brentano vs. Marx
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IN THE CASE OF BRENTANO VERSUS MARX
REGARDING ALLEGED FALSIFICATION OF QUOTATION.
THE STORY AND DOCUMENTS
Written in December 1890 -- February 1891
First published as a pamphlet in: F. Engels,
In Sachen Brentano contra Marx wegem angeblicher Zitatsfälschung.
Geschichtserzählung und Dokumente
Hamburg, 1891
ONLINE VERSION: Translated by John Peet
Transcribed for the Internet by director@marx.org
BRENTANO vs. MARX
by Frederick Engels
(The main pamphlet)
DOCUMENTS
I -- THE INCRIMINATED QUOTATIONS
1 --
The Inaugural Address (of the First
International)
2 --
Capital, Vol. I
II -- BRENTANO AND MARX
3 --
The Charge
4 --
Karl Marx replies
5 --
Retort by Anonymous
6 --
Marx's second reply
7 --
The rejoinder of Anonymous
III -- SEDLEY TAYLOR AND ELEANOR
MARX
8 --
Attack by S. Taylor
9 --
Eleanor Marx's reply
10 --
Sedley Taylor's retort
11 --
Eleanor Marx's second reply
IV -- ENGELS AND BRENTANO
12 --
From Engels' preface to the fourth German
edition of Marx's
Capital, Volume One.
13 --
Brentano's reply
14 --
From the Appendices to Brentano's reply
15 --
From the Parliamentary
Reports of the London
Press or April 17, 1863
16 --
Gladstone to Brentano
17 --
Engels' reply to No. 17
1891: Brentano vs. Marx -- The documents
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