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labourers, if the cost is about the same. In the latter case, the outlay of constant capital increases
in proportion to the mass of labour set in action; in the former that increase is much smaller. The
more extended the scale of production, the stronger this motive. Its force increases with the
accumulation of capital.
We have seen that the development of the capitalist mode of production and of the productive
power of labour – at once the cause and effect of accumulation – enables the capitalist, with the
same outlay of variable capital, to set in action more labour by greater exploitation (extensive or
intensive) of each individual labour power. We have further seen that the capitalist buys with the
same capital a greater mass of labour power, as he progressively replaces skilled labourers by less
skilled, mature labour power by immature, male by female, that of adults by that of young
persons or children.
On the one hand, therefore, with the progress of accumulation, a larger variable capital sets more
labour in action without enlisting more labourers; on the other, a variable capital of the same
magnitude sets in action more labour with the same mass of labour power; and, finally, a greater
number of inferior labour powers by displacement of higher.
The production of a relative surplus population, or the setting free of labourers, goes on therefore
yet more rapidly than the technical revolution of the process of production that accompanies, and
is accelerated by, the advance of accumulation; and more rapidly than the corresponding
diminution of the variable part of capital as compared with the constant. If the means of
production, as they increase in extent and effective power, become to a less extent means of
employment of labourers, this state of things is again modified by the fact that in proportion as
the productiveness of labour increases, capital increases its supply of labour more quickly than its
demand for labourers. The overwork of the employed part of the working class swells the ranks
of the reserve, whilst conversely the greater pressure that the latter by its competition exerts on
the former, forces these to submit to overwork and to subjugation under the dictates of capital.
The condemnation of one part of the working class to enforced idleness by the overwork of the
other part, and the converse, becomes a means of enriching the individual capitalists,
19
and
accelerates at the same time the production of the industrial reserve army on a scale
corresponding with the advance of social accumulation. How important is this element in the
formation of the relative surplus population, is shown by the example of England. Her technical
means for saving labour are colossal. Nevertheless, if to-morrow morning labour generally were
reduced to a rational amount, and proportioned to the different sections of the working class
according to age and sex, the working population to hand would be absolutely insufficient for the
carrying on of national production on its present scale. The great majority of the labourers now
“unproductive” would have to be turned into “productive” ones.
Taking them as a whole, the general movements of wages are exclusively regulated by the
expansion and contraction of the industrial reserve army, and these again correspond to the
periodic changes of the industrial cycle. They are, therefore, not determined by the variations of
the absolute number of the working population, but by the varying proportions in which the
working class is divided into active and reserve army, by the increase or diminution in the relative
amount of the surplus population, by the extent to which it is now absorbed, now set free. For
Modern Industry with its decennial cycles and periodic phases, which, moreover, as accumulation
advances, are complicated by irregular oscillations following each other more and more quickly,
that would indeed be a beautiful law, which pretends to make the action of capital dependent on
the absolute variation of the population, instead of regulating the demand and supply of labour by
the alternate expansion and contraction of capital, the labour-market now appearing relatively
under-full, because capital is expanding, now again over-full, because it is contracting. Yet this is
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the dogma of the economists. According to them, wages rise in consequence of accumulation of
capital. The higher wages stimulate the working population to more rapid multiplication, and this
goes on until the labour-market becomes too full, and therefore capital, relatively to the supply of
labour, becomes insufficient. Wages fall, and now we have the reverse of the medal. The working
population is little by little decimated as the result of the fall in wages, so that capital is again in
excess relatively to them, or, as others explain it, falling wages and the corresponding increase in
the exploitation of the labourer again accelerates accumulation, whilst, at the same time, the
lower wages hold the increase of the working class in check. Then comes again the time, when
the supply of labour is less than the demand, wages rise, and so on. A beautiful mode of motion
this for developed capitalist production! Before, in consequence of the rise of wages, any positive
increase of the population really fit for work could occur, the time would have been passed again
and again, during which the industrial campaign must have been carried through, the battle fought
and won.
Between 1849 and 1859, a rise of wages practically insignificant, though accompanied by falling
prices of corn, took place in the English agricultural districts. In Wiltshire, e.g., the weekly wages
rose from 7s. to 8s.; in Dorsetshire from 7s. or 8s., to 9s., &c. This was the result of an unusual
exodus of the agricultural surplus population caused by the demands of war, the vast extension of
railroads, factories, mines, &c. The lower the wages, the higher is the proportion in which ever so
insignificant a rise of them expresses itself. If the weekly wage, e.g., is 20s. and it rises to 22s.,
that is a rise of 10 per cent.; but if it is only 7s. and it rises to 9s., that is a rise of 28 4/7 per cent.,
which sounds very fine. Everywhere the farmers were howling, and the London Economist, with
reference to these starvation-wages, prattled quite seriously of “a general and substantial
advance.”
20
What did the farmers do now? Did they wait until, in consequence of this brilliant
remuneration, the agricultural labourers had so increased and multiplied that their wages must fall
again, as prescribed by the dogmatic economic brain? They introduced more machinery, and in a
moment the labourers were redundant again in a proportion satisfactory even to the farmers.
There was now “more capital” laid out in agriculture than before, and in a more productive form.
With this the demand for labour fell, not only relatively, but absolutely.
The above economic fiction confuses the laws that regulate the general movement of wages, or
the ratio between the working class – i.e., the total labour power – and the total social capital,
with the laws that distribute the working population over the different spheres of production. If,
e.g., in consequence of favourable circumstances, accumulation in a particular sphere of
production becomes especially active, and profits in it, being greater than the average profits,
attract additional capital, of course the demand for labour rises and wages also rise. The higher
wages draw a larger part of the working population into the more favoured sphere, until it is
glutted with labour power, and wages at length fall again to their average level or below it, if the
pressure is too great. Then, not only does the immigration of labourers into the branch of industry
in question cease; it gives place to their emigration. Here the political economist thinks he sees
the why and wherefore of an absolute increase of workers accompanying an increase of wages,
and of a diminution of wages accompanying an absolute increase of labourers. But he sees really
only the local oscillation of the labour-market in a particular sphere of production – he sees only
the phenomena accompanying the distribution of the working population into the different
spheres of outlay of capital, according to its varying needs.
The industrial reserve army, during the periods of stagnation and average prosperity, weighs
down the active labour-army; during the periods of over-production and paroxysm, it holds its
pretensions in check. Relative surplus population is therefore the pivot upon which the law of