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11                                                                                                                         Festinger (1954) A Theory of Social Comparison Processes                     

they had done worse than similar persons who were not attracted to the group. Those who were attracted 

to the group and had scored equal to the others felt that they had done better than did similar persons 

who were not attracted to the group. Thus the results of the experiment corroborate the corollary for 

abilities. 

Corollary VII B: The greater the relevance of the opinion or ability to the group, the stronger will be the pressure 

toward uniformity concerning that opinion or ability. 

 

The conceptual definition of relevance of an opinion or an ability to a group is not completely 



clear. There are, however, some things one can state. Where the opinion or ability involved is necessary 

or important for the life of the group or for the attainment of the satisfactions that push the members into 

the group, the need for evaluation in that group will be strong. Groups will thus differ on what one may 

call their “realm of relevance”. A group of men who meet every Friday night to play poker, and do only 

this together, will probably have a narrow “realm of relevance”. The abilities and opinions for which this 

group serves as a comparison will be very restricted. The members of a college fraternity, on the other 

hand, where the group satisfies a wider variety of the members’ needs will have a wider “realm of 

relevance”. 

 

In spite of the conceptual unclarity which is involved it is possible to create differences in 



relevance of an issue to a group which are clear and ‘unambiguous. Thus Schachter (22) created high 

and low relevance conditions in the following manner. Groups which were to discuss an issue relevant 

to the group were recruited specifically for that purpose. Other groups were recruited ostensibly for very 

different kinds of things and on a pretext were asked to discuss the particular issue in question. They 

were promised this would never happen again in the life of the group thus making this issue of low 

relevance to that particular group. Schachter found, confirming Corollary VII B, that the tendency to 

reject deviates was stronger in the high relevance condition than in the low relevance condition. 

 

No other evidence bearing on Corollary VII B has been located. 



 

Thus far we have discussed only factors which, in affecting the pressure toward uniformity, 

affect all three manifestations of this pressure in the same direction. There are also factors which affect 

the manifestations of pressure toward uniformity differentially. We will discuss two such factors. 



Hypothesis VIIIIf persons who are very divergent from one’s own opinion or ability are perceived as different from 

oneself on attributes consistent with the divergence, the tendency to narrow the range of comparability becomes 

stronger. 

 

There is evidence supporting this hypothesis with respect to both abilities and opinions. In the 



previously mentioned experiment by Hoffman, Festinger, and Lawrence (19) half the groups were told 

that the three persons in the group had been selected to take the test together because, as far as could be 

determined, they were about equal in intelligence. The other groups were told that one of the three was 

very superior to the others. This was reported in a manner which made it impossible for either of the 

subjects to suppose that he himself was the superior one. In the “homogeneous” condition the subjects 

continued to compete against the paid participant who was scoring considerably above them. In the 

condition where they thought one of the others was clearly superior they competed considerably less 

with the paid participant and tended to compete with each other. In other words, when there was the 

perception of a difference consistent with the fact that the paid participant was scoring above them, they 

ceased comparison with him. 

 

There is additional evidence on this point from level of aspiration experiments. Festinger (6) 



reports an experiment where, on an intellectual task, subjects (college students) were told they were 

scoring considerably above another group which they ordinarily considered inferior to themselves (high 

school students) or were told they were scoring considerably below a group which they considered 

superior to themselves (graduate students). In these circumstances there is practically no effect on the 

level of aspiration. Thus, the knowledge of this other group’s being divergent in a direction consistent 

with the label of the group had no effect on their evaluation. It is interesting to note in this same 




A Theory of Social Comparison Processes 

   

              12

 

experiment that if the reported direction of difference is inconsistent with the level of the group this 



destroys the incomparability and the effect on the level of aspiration is very great. 

 

The evidence concerning opinions relating to Hypothesis VIII comes from experiments reported 



by Gerard (14) and Festinger and Thibaut (u). In both of these experiments discussions were carried on 

in a group of persons with a considerable range of opinion on the issue in question. In each experiment, 

half of the groups were given the impression that the group was homogeneous. All the members of the 

group had about equal interest in and know-‘ledge about the issue. The other half of the groups were 

given the impression that they were heterogeneously composed. There was considerable variation 

among them in interest in and knowledge about the problem. In both experiments there was less 

communication directed toward those holding extremely divergent opinions in the heterogeneous than in 

the homogeneous condition. In other words, the perception of heterogeneity on matters related to the 

issue enabled the members of the groups to narrow their range within which they actively compared 

themselves with others. 

 

It is interesting, at this point, to look at the data from these two experiments in relation to 



Hypothesis III which stated that the tendency to compare oneself with others decreased as the 

divergence in opinion or ability increased. In both the Gerard experiment (14) and the Festinger and 

Thibaut experiment (9) it was found that most communication was directed toward those whose 

opinions were most different from the others. Since we have just interpreted a reduction in 

communication to indicate a reduction in comparison with others, it is necessary to explain the over-all 

tendency to communicate most with those holding divergent opinions in the light of Hypothesis III. 

 From 

Hypothesis III we would expect comparison to be made mainly with those closest to 

oneself. This is indeed true. The support one gets for one’s opinion is derived from those close to one’s 

own. However, it will be recalled that, in the case of opinions, comparison with others who are divergent 

represents a threat to one’s own opinion. It is for this reason that communication is directed mainly 

toward those most divergent but still within the limits where comparison is made. This communication 

represents attempts to influence them. Reduction in communication to these extreme opinions indicates 

that the existence of these extreme opinions is less of a threat to one’s own opinion. In other words, one 

is comparing oneself less with them. In the case of abilities we would not expect to find any such 

orientation toward very divergent persons. Comparison behavior in the case of abilities would follow 

very closely the simple relation stated in Hypothesis III

Hypothesis IX: When there is a range of opinion or ability in a group, the relative strength of the three manifestations 

of pressures toward uniformity will be different for those who are close to the mode of the group than for those who 

are distant from the mode. Specifically, those close to the mode of the group will have stronger tendencies to change 

the positions of others, relatively weaker tendencies to narrow the range of comparison and much weaker tendencies 

to change their own position compared to those who are distant from the mode of the group. 

 

Some data are available to support this hypothesis, with reference to opinions, from experiments 



by Festinger, Gerard, et al. (10) and by Hochbaum (18). In both of these experiments some persons in 

each group were given the impression that the rest of the group disagreed with them while others were 

given the impression that most of the group agreed with them. In both experiments there was 

considerably more change of opinion among the “deviates” than among the conformers. In both 

experiments there were considerably more attempts to influence others made by the conformers than by 

the deviates. While there exist no adequate data relevant to the tendency to narrow the range of 

comparison, corroboration is suggested in the experiment by Festinger, Gerard, et al. (10). In this 

experiment it was found that the deviates actually communicated less to those holding most divergent 

opinions than to those somewhat closer to their own position. The conformers showed the more familiar 

pattern of communicating most to those with extremely divergent opinions in the group. 

 

The question may also be raised as to the determinants of the extent to which the group actually 



does move closer toward uniformity when pressures in this direction exist. In part, the degree of such 

movement toward uniformity will be dependent upon the strength of the pressures. In part they will be 




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