Franks The Establishment of a Frankish Kingdom in Gaul

2.2.4 Chilperic I, Guntram and Childebert II
Gregory continues by reporting that, when the news of Sigibert’s death reached Paris, duke Gundovald fled to Austrasia with Sigibert’s young son, Childebert, thus saving him from certain death. Even though he was only 5 years old, Childebert was proclaimed king (as Childebert II) in succession to his father. Chilperic quickly reached Paris and seized Sigibert’s distraught widow, Brunhild, taking possession of her treasure, which she had brought with her, and banishing her to Rouen. Chilperic sent troops to Poitiers under the leadership of his son Merovech, who succeeded in snatching the city from Austrasian control. Then, disregarding orders, Merovech marched on Tours, seizing that city also for his father. After that, on the pretext of visiting his mother Audovera, Merovech went to Rouen and took Brunhild as his wife. Chilperic was furious about that and raced to Rouen where, hearing of his approach, Merovech and Brunhild had taken sanctuary in the church of Saint Martin. Chilperic pretended to be kindly disposed towards them, and swore a solemn oath that he would do nothing to separate them. When they came out, he kissed them, and they had a meal together. Then Chilperic returned to Soissons, taking Merovech with him.
While Chilperic had been away, some troops assembled in Champagne and attacked Soissons, forcing Fredegund and Clovis, the son of Chilperic, to flee. Chilperic soon routed the besieging army, but began to harbour the suspicion that Merovech had instigated the attack. Although this was untrue (the instigator was in fact a man called Godin, who had a personal grudge against Chilperic), Merovech was placed under guard. Chilperic then sent Merovech’s brother Clovis to Tours, where he assembled an army and marched through Poitiers into western Aquitaine, as far as Saintes, which he occupied. Concerned about Chilperic’s expansion into former Austrasian territory, Guntram dispatched an army westwards under his military commander, Mummolus. In the Limoges region southeast of Poitiers, Mummolus encountered troops led by Chilperic’s military commander, Desiderius, and routed them. Mummolus then returned home to Burgundy through the Clermont-Ferrand region, which was laid waste by some of his army.

In the meantime, Merovech had been tonsured, ordained as a priest and sent off to the monastery of Anille at Le Mans. Duke Guntram Boso, who by this time was living in sanctuary in Saint Martin’s church in Tours (for fear of his life, because of the general belief that he had killed Chilperic’s son, Theudebert) sent Merovech a message to suggest he joined him in the same sanctuary. Merovech’s arrival in Tours brought him into direct contact with Gregory, author of the History, who had been appointed bishop of the city a few years previously. Gregory writes in his account of Frankish history (which, from the death of Sigibert onwards, consists essentially of lengthy year-by-year reports of contemporary events, of which the following gives just of brief summary of some key developments) that Chilperic threatened to set the whole countryside around Tours alight unless he (Gregory) expelled Merovech from his church, but he refused. Merovech seemed safe for the time being, but Guntram Boso was actually in the pay of Queen Fredegund. She was secretly pleased that he had killed Theudebert (who had the same mother as Merovech, Audovera), because that increased the chances of one of her own sons succeeding Chilperic as king. Now she sent a message asking him to encourage Merovech to leave his sanctuary, so that he too could be killed. Thinking that assassins were already in place outside, Boso persuaded Merovech to accompany him on a short horse-ride, but they returned safely.

Gregory goes on to report that, in the 2^nd year of Childebert II, Chilperic raised an army and began to advance on Tours. Merovech did not want to be the cause of any damage to the church of Saint Martin, so he decided to leave and head for Austrasia, where Brunhild was now living. (Brunhild was hoping to be made regent for her young son, and was eventually successful, but had to face constant struggles with Austrasian nobles for influence over policy decisions.) Passing through the region around Auxerre, Merovech was captured by Herpo, one of king Guntram’s officials, but managed to escape and find sanctuary in the church of Saint Germanus. Meanwhile, the Neustrian troops devastated the area around Tours, and then Chilperic launched an attack on the region of Champagne, thinking that Merovech might be hiding there. After two months in the church of Saint Germanus, Merovech slipped out and reached the Austrasian boundary, but was refused entry. Rumours spread that Merovech was now trying to return to Tours, so Chilperic had the church of Saint Martin closely guarded. Merovech was actually hiding in the area of Rheims at this time. His presence became known to the people of Thérouanne, who told him that, if he joined them, they would throw off their allegiance to Chilperic and accept him as king. Merovech selected a band of his most valiant followers and hurried towards them, but they had prepared an ambush, and surrounded Merovech in a country house. Some suspected Guntram Boso of being involved in this plot. Keeping Merovech a prisoner inside, the plotters sent a messenger to inform Chilperic of the situation. Knowing that he could expect no mercy from his father, Merovech asked his servant Gailen to kill him with his sword, which he did. Marius of Avenches writes that Merovech died in the 12^th year of the consulship of Justin II, the 11^th indiction, i.e. AD 578.
Continuing, Gerogory notes that, in the 4^th year of Childebert, which was the 18^th year of Guntram and Chilperic, a Council was held at Chalon-sur-Sâone in Burgundy, at which bishops Salonius and Sagittarius, who had been causing trouble for many years, were finally stripped of their bishoprics. Marius of Avenches says this event took place in the 13^th year of the consulship of Justin II, the 12^th indiction, i.e. 579. Both Marius and Gregory go on to say that, later in the same year, emperor Justin II died and was succeeded by Tiberius II.
In the 6^th year of Childebert, the Austrasians broke their agreement with Guntram and allied themselves with Chilperic. At around the same time, Mummolus left the service of Guntram and travelled south, with his wife and children, to set up home in the city of Avignon, which was in Childebert’s territory. In the final entry of his chronicle, Marius of Avenches says that Mummolus came to Avignon in the 2^nd year of the consulship of Tiberius II, the 14^th indiction, i.e. AD 581. Gregory continues by saying that envoys sent by Chilperic to Tiberius were unable to land at Marseilles (on the boundary between Burgundy and Provence) on their return journey, because of the state of war between Guntram and Chilperic, so had to continue to Agde in Septimania (the western part of Gallia Narbonensis, held by the Visigoths; Provence, held by the Franks, constituted the eastern part). Soon afterwards, Gregory visited Chilperic at his manor at Nogent-sur-Marne, and was shown gifts brought back from Constantinople by the envoys. While Chilperic was still at Nogent-sur-Marne, notables from Childebert’s court led by Egidius, bishop of Rheims, arrived to discuss the details of a peace treaty between Austrasia and Neustria, and make plans to deprive Guntram of his kingdom. Chilperic assured them that, now he no longer had any sons of his own, he would regard Childebert as his heir. The Austrasian ambassadors reported back to Childebert, and the treaty was confirmed.
In the 7^th year of Childebert, Gregory notes that Leovigild, the Visigothic king of Spain, raised an army against his son, Hermenegild. Before then, as also reported in the chronicle of John of Biclar, Hermenegild had married a daughter of king Sigibert and then revolted against his father. In contrast to John, Gregory gives the cause of this dispute. When Ingund, the daughter of the Austrasian king, arrived in Spain to marry Hermenegild, Queen Gosuintha, the wife of Leovigild (and step-mother of Hermenegild) had tried to persuade her to become an Arian, but she had refused. Furthermore, after the marriage, when Hermenegild was given a city of his own to govern, Ingund succeeded in converting him to Catholicism. As a result, Gosuintha began to maltreat Ingund, whilst Leovigild plotted against Hermenegild. That drove Hermenegild to seek an alliance with the forces of Tiberius II, who were occupying parts of Spain. Leaving his wife under their protection, he went out with his army to fight his father. Hermenegild had expected imperial troops to join him, but that failed to happen. He was also relying on support from Miro, king of Galicia, but Leovigild surrounded Miro’s forces and forced him to swear an oath of loyalty. Miro died soon afterwards. According to Gregory, Hermenegild’s army was defeated by the forces of Leovigild in a battle around the fortress of Osser, near Seville, and Hermenegild was forced to flee, taking sanctuary in a nearby church. Leovigild sent Hermenegild’s younger brother, Reccared, to him to say that if he went back to his father and asked for forgiveness, he would not be harmed or humiliated. However, breaking his word, Leovigild stripped Hermenegild of all his fine clothes and sent him into exile. Hermenegild was subseqently murdered, and his wife Ingund taken by imperial troops across to north Africa, on their way back to Constantinople. During the period when the fighting between Leovigild and Hermenegild was taking place, Ansovald and Domigisel were in Spain as ambassadors of Chilperic, trying to arrange details of a dowry for the marriage of Reccared to Rigunth, the daughter of Chilperic and Fredegund. Not surprisingly, in the circumstances, little progress was made in these discussions.
In the 8^th year of Childebert and the 22^nd year of Guntram and Chilperic, according to Gregory (which, following Gregory’s timescale, corresponds to AD 581/2), Tiberius II died and Maurice, the son-in-law of Tiberius, became emperor. Closer to home, Chilperic broke the agreement he had made with his brothers after the death of Charibert by entering the city of Paris without obtaining the approval of his fellow Frankish kings. During the time Chilperic and his entourage stayed in Paris, his son Theuderic was baptised by Ragnemod, the bishop of the city.
In the following year, the 9^th of Childebert, king Guntram, of his own volition, restored the second half of Marseilles to his nephew. Thus, peace was restored between Austrasia and Burgundy. Shortly afterwards, ambassadors arrived from Spain, telling Chilperic that the details for the marriage between his daughter Rigunth and Reccared, son of Leovigild, had finally been settled, so it could now go ahead. Chilperic set off from Paris to Soissons but, on the journey, his infant son Theuderic died of dysentery, so he returned to Paris to bury him. Leovigild then sent an envoy bearing gifts to Chilperic, apparently to encourage him to thwart any plans his nephew Childebert might have for an invasion of Spain, in revenge for what had happened to his sister Ingund. On his way to see Chilperic, the envoy stayed with Gregory at Tours.
When Chilperic heard that Guntram and Childebert had made peace with each other, and now proposed to win back the cities he had seized from them, his immediate response was to withdraw to Cambrai with his treasure. He also sent messengers to his counts and dukes, asking them to strengthen the fortifications of their cities, and be prepared to defend them stoutly should Guntram and Childebert attack. At this time, another son, Chlothar, was born to Chilperic and Fredegund. Chilperic was afraid that if the child appeared in public, some harm might befall him, so he gave orders for him to be brought up in the manor of Vitry.
A large number of Visigoth envoys then arrived in Gaul, to complete the transactions required before the marriage of Rigunth to Reccared could take place, so Chilperic was obliged to take up residence in Paris once again to do all that was necessary. He rounded up large numbers of serfs from various royal estates to be transported to Spain, where they would be expected to serve Rigunth, giving no thought to the distress caused by the arbitrary splitting up of families. He then handed his daughter over to the Visigoth envoys, together with her immense dowry, to which Fredegund added a vast weight of gold and silver, as well as fine clothes, from her own personal possessions. Frankish nobles also gave expensive presents, including precious objects and horses. Eventually Rigunth set off for Spain, accompanied by the Visigoth envoys, together with a large escort of armed Franks, to deal with anyone who might try to ambush the procession. However, on the first night out of Paris, fifty of her escort absconded with a hundred of the best horses, their golden bridles, and two great salvers, taking them to Childebert. From then on, there was a steady stream of people slipping away from the party, carrying with them whatever they could lay their hands on. Those who continued seized crops and livestock from the fields without recompense to the farmers, for Chilperic had made no provision from the public purse. So, the wedding procession left desolation in its wake.
Meanwhile, back in Paris, Chilperic was spending most of his time hunting on his estate at Chelles. One day, he arrived back from the hunt at twilight, and was just alighting from his horse when an unknown assailant stepped forward and stabbed him twice. Thus Chilperic died, in the 23^rd year of his reign. No-one at Chelles seemed to know what to do, so Mallulf, bishop of Senlis, who had spent the previous three days in a tent, waiting in vain for an audience with Chilperic, took responsibility for the king’s body. He prepared it for burial, sang hymns throughout the night and then carried it by boat to the church of Saint Vincent in Paris, where he buried it close to the tomb of Childebert I.
2.2.5 Guntram, Childebert II and Chlothar II
Soon afterwards, queen Fredegund arrived in Paris, collected together that part of her treasure she had secreted within the city walls, and sought sanctuary within the cathedral, where she was given protection by bishop Ragnemod. The remainder of the Neustrian royal treasure, left behind at Chelles, was quickly seized by treasury officials and taken to Childebert, who was then in Meaux. Listening to her advisors, Fredegund then invited Guntram to come and take control of Neustria, as protector of herself and her 4-month-old son, Chlothar. In response, Guntram immediately moved to Paris. Childebert attempted to follow suit, but was refused entry into the city by its inhabitants. Childebert sent envoys to Guntram, to demand his right of access to Paris, but this merely led to an exchange of insults about broken promises on each side. Guntram sent Childebert’s envoys away, with a clear statement of his position. In his view, Childebert’s uncle, Chilperic, had clearly forfeited his (and his descendants) rights to a share of Paris, by entering the city in the previous year without obtaining the agreements required by the pact made after the death of Charibert. Similarly, Childebert’s father, Sigibert, had forfeited his own rights to a share of Paris, and those of his son, by entering the city on his way to a final confrontation with Chilperic. Divine judgement had been made on both Sigibert and Chilperic for these acts, because each of them had been killed soon afterwards. Guntram therefore maintained that Paris, and indeed the whole of the former kingdom of Charibert, should now belong to him by rights, and he alone would determine what happened to it in the future.
Childebert’s envoys departed carrying that message, shortly before another group arrived to demand that Guntram should hand Fredegund over to Childebert, who was claiming that Fredegund was responsible for the murders of his aunt Galswinth, his father Sigibert, his uncle Chilperic and his cousins Clovis and Merovech. Guntram replied that he would convene an assembly to consider the demands made by the two groups of envoys.
At this time, duke Ansovald and other Neustrian nobles rallied in support of Chilperic’s four-month-old son, whom they hailed as king Chlothar II. From all the cities that had owed allegiance to Chilperic, they obtained oaths of allegiance to Chlothar and to Guntram, his protector. Guntram helped by returning to their rightful owners possessions that had been wrongly seized by Chilperic and his cronies. Also, on the advice of Ragnemod, speaking on behalf of forty-five Neustrian bishops, but contrary to the wishes of Fredegund, Guntram confirmed an action by the inhabitants of Rouen, who had recalled their popular bishop, Praetextatus, from the exile imposed on him by Chilperic. Nevertheless, Guntram felt unsafe in Paris, and never moved around without an armed escort. One day in church, just as mass was about to begin, Guntram addressed the congregation and asked them to allow him to rule for at least another three years, as adoptive father of both Chlothar and Childebert, to try to prevent the country falling back into chaos. His words were well-received.
Meanwhile, Rigunth had reached Toulouse, on her way to Spain with her treasure, when word reached duke Desiderius that Chilperic had been assassinated. Gathering together some of his most formidable warriors, he entered Toulouse and seized the treasure from Rigunth, leaving her to stay in St. Mary’s church with just a meagre allowance.
Shortly afterwards, Guntram sent his counts to take over the cities which had been allocated to Sigibert after the death of Charibert. The people of Tours and Poitiers wanted to stay with Sigibert’s son, Childebert, but Guntram mobilised the men of Bourges, who began creating havoc around Tours. That persuaded the inhabitants of the city to give their allegiance to Guntram, for the time being. Duke Geraric sent them a message from Poitiers, urging them to remain with Childebert, but was advised by return to accept the reality of the situation, as it was at that particular time. When troops recruited by Guntram’s officers in the area of Tours began to approach Poitiers from one side, and the men of Bourges from the other, the people of the city sent messages to say that they were prepared to abide by whatever decision was reached at the forthcoming conference to address the disputes between Guntram and Childebert, but they were told in no uncertain terms that they had to give their allegiance to Guntram immediately or they would lose everything they had. Having little alternative, they followed the example of the inhabitants of Tours. In fact, the conference, when it took place, achieved nothing constructive.
Later, Guntram ordered Fredegund to be confined to the manor of Rueil, in the Rouen area, under the care of bishop Melanius. The chief nobles of Neustria then all swore an oath of allegiance to Chlothar II, pointedly omitting any reference to Fredegund. The queen felt she had lost most of her power, unlike the hated Brunhild, who still exercised a significant amount of influence over Childebert, even though he was now king in his own right, and also had other powerful advisors. She sent a cleric of her household to gain Brunhild’s confidence and then assassinate her. However, the Austrasians became suspicion of the cleric, who, under torture, confessed the true nature of his mission. He was then sent back to Fredegund, who cut off his hands and feet for having failed to accomplish his task.
Guntram then went to Chalon-sur-Saône, where he began to concern himself with finding out who had murdered Chilperic. Fredegund was claiming that the person behind the assassination was Childebert’s treasurer, Eberulf, whom she now hated because he had turned down her invitation to come and live with her after the king’s death. Guntram took her accusation seriously, and swore to bring Eberulf to justice. When Eberulf heard about this, in Tours where he was now living, he sought sanctuary in the church of Saint Martin. Men from Orleans and Blois were then sent by Guntram to keep guard on the church but, fifteen days later, they went home, loaded with booty. Eberulf’s house was ransacked, for which Eberulf blamed bishop Gregory, even though he categorically denied any involvement. Regardless of that, Eberulf continued to live as a refugee in the church of Saint Martin, where he and his numerous staff regularly insulted Gregory and carried out sacrilegious acts.
The 10^th year of Childebert (which was the 24^th year of Guntram) proved to be as eventful as the previous year. Gregory records that the people of Poitiers soon broke their oath of allegiance to Guntram, so once again he sent a force, including men from Orleans and Bourges, to get them to change their minds. Maroveus, the bishop of Poitiers, gave the envoys a hostile reception, so Guntram’s troops went on a rampage of looting, burning and killing in the region around the city. They then went and did the same around Tours, even though the Tourangeux had kept to their word. Further attacks on Poitiers eventually forced the inhabitants to swear loyalty to Guntram once again, but they did so with the greatest reluctance.
Guntram then summoned Childebert to come and join him. He warned his nephew not to trust certain of his advisors, and also advised him to distance himself from his mother, Brunhild. Guntram assured Childebert that he was his sole heir, and would inherit the whole of his kingdom after his death. Later, when they appeared together at a feast, Guntram addressed his assembled warriors and told them that Childebert was now a grown man. Hence, whatever their previous feelings towards him, they should now regard him as the king that he had become, in reality as well as name. Thus peace was restored between Guntram and Childebert. When the time came for Childebert to return home to Austrasia, Guntram promised to restore to him everything that had once been held by his father, Sigibert.
Later that year, Guntram was invited to come to Paris, to participate in the baptism of Chlothar II. On his way from Chalon, he stopped at Orleans, to celebrate the feast of Saint Martin. There, at the formal dinner, Guntram told the guests (who included Gregory) that he considered Childebert to have the makings of a great king, although in the past he had been ill-served by his advisors.
When Guntram reached Paris, there were no signs of Chlothar, and no indications that he was on his way to the city. That seemed to confirm Guntram’s suspicions that Chlothar was not the son of his brother, for otherwise there should have been no reluctance to allow him to see the infant king. When Fredegund heard of Guntram’s doubts, she sent him a statement sworn on oath by three hundred Neustrian nobles and three bishops, saying that Chilperic was the boy’s father. Thus reassured, Guntram returned to Chalon, but Chlothar had still to be baptised. To strengthen his influence in Neustria, Guntram appointed Theodulf to be count of Angers. Theodulf entered the city, but was then driven out by the townsfolk, led by Domigisel. However, with the help of duke Sigulf, Theodulf was eventually able to establish himself in the position given to him by Guntram.
Soon afterwards, Childebert held a meeting with his leaders on his estate at Breslingen. Brunhild wanted to send troops to Africa, where, according to recent reports, her daughter Ingund was still being held by imperial troops, but the nobles were unsympathetic to her proposal. News then arrived that Ingund had died in Africa, re-igniting the anger felt by the Franks about the way she had been treated by the Visigoths. The Franks also regarded Septimania, the Visigoth-controlled western region of the former Roman province of Gallia Narbonensis, as being part of Gaul, and they wished to bring it within their boundaries. So, Guntram decided to send an army to capture Septimania for the Franks, and then to advance into Spain. As the troops were about to depart, a letter from the Visigoth king Leovigild to Fredegund was intercepted and the contents made known to Guntram (who quickly passed them on to Childebert). The letter supposedly urged Fredegund to murder Childebert and Brunhild as quickly as possible, and to pay Guntram whatever was required to bring about peace between Francia and Spain. Leovigild promised to supply the funds necessary to enable this to happen. Fredegund was then asked to reward Amelius (bishop of Bigorra) and Leuba (mother-in-law of duke Bladast) for arranging access for his envoys to her. Fredegund immediately armed two clerics with poisoned daggers and sent them to assassinate Childebert and Brunhild. However, Rauching was able to apprehend them, and they confessed their guilt. Their hands, ears and noses were cut off, after which they were put to death.
Guntram then sent a large army to march on Septimania. It was followed by men from beyond the Saône, Rhône and Seine, who ravaged the regions they passed through, destroying crops and herds, seizing booty, stripping the churches and killing the local inhabitants, including priests and bishops. When they reached Septimania, similar atrocities were carried out in the region of Nimes by men of Bourges, Saintes, Périgueux, Angoulême and other cities from within Guntram’s own kingdom. The Burgundian army was, however, unable to force an entry into Nimes itself, or to a number of other well-fortified towns. When they arrived at Carcassonne, the citizens opened the gates to let them in, but a quarrel immediately broke out so they marched out again. Terentiolus, count of Limoges, was struck on the head by a stone thrown from the walls and killed. His body was seized by the local people, and his head cut off. Guntram’s army then panicked, and began to head for home, abandoning much of what they had seized during their march. The Visigoths ambushed them on several occasions, killing many and stealing their goods. After that, the people of the Toulouse region, who had suffered badly during the army’s advance, now took their revenge during its retreat. Furthermore, the destruction of crops during the outward journey meant that the retreating troops could find nothing to eat, so many died of starvation.
When the remnants of Guntram’s army arrived home, the king was furious about what had happened, causing the principal officers to seek refuge at the church of Saint Symphorian in Autun. Guntram visited the church to celebrate the feast-day of the saint, and told the army leaders that he wanted them to explain their actions on some future occasion. He then made critical comments about them to a group of bishops and nobles. They responded that the army officers could not be blamed for the behaviour of their troops, for the entire population was steeped in evil, and everyone did as they wished, regardless of orders. There was no respect for anyone in authority, including the king himself. At that moment a messenger arrived to say that Reccared, the son of king Leovigild, had led an army out of Spain, capturing the castle of Cabaret, ravaging the countryside around Toulouse and then moving on to attack the castle of Beaucaire on the Rhône, near Arles. He had now based himself within the walls of Nimes, from where he could threaten Provence. Guntram responded by making Leudegisel army commander in place of Calumniosus, and posting more than four thousand men as frontier guards. In addition, Nicetius, duke of Clermont, came with a force to patrol the border.
In the 11^th year of Childebert’s reign, which was the 25^th year of Guntram (and, following Gregory’s timescale, corresponds to AD 584/5), Gregory reports that envoys came from Spain to sue for peace. They returned home without being given a definite answer. Reccared once again advanced into Gaul and took booty from the Franks.
In the 12^th year of Childebert, Gregory says that Fredegund sent envoys to Guntram in the name of her son. They presented their petition, received their reply and retired to their lodgings. On the following morning, as the king set off for communion, one of the envoys was apprehended, fully armed, in a corner of the oratory. On interrogation, the man confessed that he had been sent to kill Guntram. He was mutilated and thrown into prison. The other envoys denied any knowledge of the plot and, although they were not believed, they were allowed to retain their freedom, but banished from Guntram’s realm.
Reccared, who had now succeeded his father Leovigild as king of the Visigoths, consulted with his step-mother Gosuintha about the desirability of having a treaty of peace and mutual support between the Visigoths and the Franks, and then sent envoys to Guntram and Childebert. Those sent to Guntram were turned back at Mâcon, which angered Reccared greatly, and he ordered that no-one from Guntram’s kingdom should be allowed to enter any of the cities of Septimania. In contrast, those envoys sent to Childebert were well-received, peace was made, and the envoys returned home loaded with presents.

Rauching then conspired with the leading men of Chlothar’s kingdom to assassinate Childebert. When Childebert was dead, Rauching would be given command of Champagne, and put in charge of Theudebert, whilst Ursio and Berthefried would seize Theuderic and take control of the rest of the kingdom, making sure that Guntram did not intervene. They were determined to humiliate Brunhild, as they had done in the years following the death of Sigibert. The plan was that Rauching would seek an audience with Childebert, and kill him personally. However, Guntram became aware of what was intended, and sent a warning to his nephew. Childebert summoned Rauching to come and see him and, as he was waiting outside, sent men to sequester all of his property. Rauching was then invited in and, after a discussion of various matters, he was asked to withdraw. As Rauching was leaving, he was murdered.

In the expectation that Rauching had already carried out his plan to assassinate Childebert, Ursio and Berthefried raised an army and began to march. Then, when they heard what had actually happened, they collected together their supporters and possessions inside a strong-point on the Woëvre, near Ursio’s estate. Brunhild, who had stood sponsor to Berthefried’s daughter at her baptism, sent a message to him to break with Ursio before it was too late. However, Berthefried responded that only death could sever the link between himself and Ursio.
Guntram and Childebert, together with the three queens, then signed a detailed treaty (the “Treaty of Andelot”). This made clear which cities belonged to which ruler, and indicated how any disputes between them should be settled. On this same occasion, Dynamius and Lupus rejoined the service of Childebert, and had an audience with him. Childebert and his party then left Guntram in joy and amity, and returned home.
Afterwards, Childebert sent an army, led by Godigisel, the son-in-law of Lupus, to attack the stronghold of Ursio and Berthefried. On the way, some of the conscripted men burned and looted every property they passed which belonged to Ursio or Berthefried. When they arrived at their destination, they found it impossible to drive Ursio, Berthefried and some of their supporters out of a church, so they set fire to it. Ursio came out fighting, and killed many of Godigisel’s men, but was wounded in the thigh and eventually slain. At this point, Godigisel shouted to his troops that, with Ursio, the main enemy, dead, Berthefried could keep his life if he surrendered. The soldiers then turned their attention to looting goods from the church, allowing Berthefried to escape and seek refuge in the church-house in Verdun.
At around this time, Reccared called a meeting of Spanish bishops and announced his conversion from Arianism, bringing together the two sects in Spain. Reccared then sent envoys to Guntram and Childebert, to repeat his previous message of friendship, and also to suggest the possibility of a marriage between himself and Chlodosind, the sister of Childebert. He swore that he was not in any way inculpated in Ingund’s death. Nevertheless, as before, Guntram turned the envoys away, saying that he was unable to trust people who had treated his niece so badly. Again, as on the previous occasion, the envoys received a much friendlier welcome in Austrasia. Even though Childebert had apparently already promised envoys from Lombardy that Chlodosind could marry their king, both he and Brunhild said they would happily agree to her marrying Reccared. However, they added that the marriage could only go ahead if it also received the approval of Guntram. The envoys then returned home.
In the 13^th year of Childebert’s reign and the 27^th year of Guntram (which, following Gregory’s timescale, corresponds to AD 586/7), Gregory records that he was just setting out to visit the Austrasian king when, together with Felix, bishop of Châlons-sur-Marne, he was summoned by Guntram to come to him at Chalon-sur-Saône. On arrival, Guntram told them that he was upset because Childebert had already broken the promises he made by signing the Treaty of Andalot. In particular, he had not handed over to Guntram his share of the town of Senlis, nor returned to him men of his kingdom who had been acting against his interests. Gregory assured him that Childebert had no intention of contravening any of the provisions. If Guntram wished to proceeed to a partition of Senlis, it could be done immediately. Similarly, if Guntram gave to Gregory the names of those Burgundians he wished to be returned to him, he was certain that Childebert would arrange for this to be done without delay. Without responding to what Gregory had said, Guntram asked him to read out the treaty aloud for the benefit of everyone present (at which point Gregory provides the full text of the treaty). Guntram said he would abide by every word, and expected Childebert to do likewise. He then turned to Felix and asked him abruptly if it was true that he had managed to bring about warm, friendly relations between Brunhild and Fredegund. Felix denied it, and said that the relationship between the two queens was the same as it had always been, i.e. one of mutual enmity. Gregory then asked why Guntram treated Fredegund’s envoys more sympathetically than those of Brunhild. Guntram responded that he did this because it would ultimately prove to be in the best interests of Childebert, adding that it could hardly be because of genuine friendship towards a woman who had sent assassins to murder him on more than one occasion.
In the 14^th year of Childebert, Gregory records the death of Ingoberg, the former wife of Charibert, who had spent most of her adult life in religious activities. Soon afterwards, Brunhild sent Ebregisel to Spain, carrying a large salver made out of gold and precious gems, and two basins decorated with gold and jewels. It was suggested to Guntram that this was part of a plot to assassinate him, so Guntram had Ebregisel arrested by duke Ebrachar as he passed through Paris. Ebregisel was then brought before him in Burgundy. Ebregisel maintained that the gifts were intended for king Reccared, whom Brunhild hoped would marry her daughter Chlodosind. Guntram accepted this explanation, and allowed Ebregisel to continue on his journey.
Afterwards, Guntram raised an army to attack Septimania. He sent duke Austrovald on ahead to extract an oath of allegiance from the people of Carcassonne, and then dispatched duke Boso, now his military commander, and Antestius to take control of the other cities. Boso behaved in a most arrogant way. He reprimanded Austrovald for having entered Carcassonne without waiting for him to arrive, and then marched his own troops, consisting of men from Saintes, Périgueux, Bordeux, Agen and Toulouse, towards the city. The Visigoths came to hear of this advance, and laid a trap for him. Boso pitched his camp by a small river, after which he settled down to his supper, eating and drinking more than was sensible. At this point, the Visigoths chose to attack, catching the Franks off their guard. As they rose to their feet and began to resist, the Visigoths pretended to run away. Boso and his troops chased after them, and fell into the ambush prepared for them. Nearly five thousand Franks were killed, and two thousand taken prisoner.
When Guntram was told of this terrible defeat, he was extremely angry, and reacted by banning the passage of Austrasians through his kingdom. This was because he maintained that Childebert’s keenness to form an alliance with Reccared had encouraged the Visigoths to think they could hold onto Septimania, thus thwarting Guntram’s ambition to bring the whole of the former Gallia Narbonensis (comprising Septimania and Provence) under Frankish control. Guntram also saw other gounds for thinking that the Austrasians were working against him. In particular, he had heard that Childebert was sending his son Theudebert to Soissons. The reason for this, in fact, was that some of the prominent citizens of Soissons had visited Childebert in Strasbourg and told him that if he were to send one of his sons to live amongst them, they would serve him and defend his lands in the surrounding area. However, the suspicious Guntram said that Theudebert would not be travelling to Soissons unless he intended to go on to enter Paris and deprive Guntram of his kingdom. Guntram convened a council of bishops in November to consider these matters. They found Brunhild and Childebert innocent of the charges made against them, so Guntram re-opened the roads between Austrasia and Burgundy.
In the 15^th year of Childebert’s reign, which was the 29^th year of Guntram (corresponding to AD 588/9), Gregory records that there was a great epidemic in Rome, pope Pelagius II being amongst the first to die. The deacon Gregory was then unanimously elected to replace him. Emperor Maurice, whose son had been baptised by the pope-elect in Constantinople, confirmed his appointment with enthusiasm. It is known from pope Gregory’s letters, collected and preserved in his Registrum Epistolarum that, early in his papacy, he wrote to bishop Leander of Seville to express his joy at Reccared’s conversion to Catholicism. He also wrote to Virgilius, bishop of Arles, and Theodore, bishop of Marseilles, to say that, although their actions in converting Jews to Christianity by force were well-meaning, it would be better if such conversions could be achieved willingly.
During the same year, bishop Gregory tells us that Grippo arrived back in Francia, after having been sent by Childebert on a mission to emperor Maurice in Constantinople. Grippo, together with his fellow-envoys, Bodegisel, the son of Mummolen from Soissons, and Evantius, the son of Dynamius from Arles, had first sailed to imperial territory in north Africa, waiting in Carthage for permission to complete their journey to Constantinople. In Carthage, a servant of Evantius stole a valuable object from the hand of a shopkeeper and fled. He was traced to the place where he and the envoys were staying, but refused to give the object back, which resulted in a series of arguments taking place over the next few days, these becoming increasingly acrimonious. Eventually, the servant drew his sword and killed the shopkeeper, but said nothing to his master about what had happened. Thus, Grippo, Evantius and Bodogisel were taken by complete surprise when a squad of soldiers sent by the prefect of Carthage arrived at their lodgings, accompanied by an armed mob. The officer in charge called for everyone inside to lay down their arms and come out, and gave assurances that no-one would be hurt if they did as they were asked, but such was the pandemonium in the street that Evantius and Bodogisel were killed as they emerged. Grippo seized his weapons and went out to face the mob, asking for an explanation for what had happened, and pointing out that he and the two men who had just been murdered were on their way to see the emperor on a mission of peace. Hearing that, the soldiers and the mob all melted away. The prefect of Carthage quickly came round to see Grippo, expressing regret for what had occurred, and arranging for him to be taken to Maurice with the minimum of delay. The emperor was greatly distressed about the way the envoys had been treated, and promised that those responsible for the deaths of Evantius and Bodigisel would be punished. He also said he would agree to any other suggestion that Childebert might put forward. Then, loaded with presents, Grippo set off home.
Grippo’s report of his meeting with emperor Maurice stimulated Childebert to mount another invasion of Italy, ordering twenty dukes to raise armies and march against the Lombards. Duke Audovald, supported by duke Wintrio, raised a contingent in Champagne and advanced through the region of Metz, where his troops caused great destruction, killing, burning and looting. Contingents of men from other parts of Austrasia behaved similarly, causing much devastation within their own country. Only when they crossed the border into Italy did they turn their attention towards the enemy. Once over the border, Audovald turned to the right with six other dukes, and advanced as far as Milan. Duke Olo was foolish enough to approach Bellinzona, a stronghold belonging to Milan. There he was struck in the chest by a javelin and killed. Those of his men who were plundering the countryside for supplies were cut down by the Lombards. The Franks learned that the Lombards were encamped at the other side of a narrow but very deep stream flowing out of lake Lugano. A few of the Franks managed to cross and engage with the Lombards, but by the time the main army got to the other side, the Lombards had marched away and disappeared. After the Franks returned to the camp, an envoy from the emperor arrived, saying that support troops would join them in three days time. The Franks waited six days, as agreed, but no support troops appeared.
Cedinus, with thirteen other dukes, turned left on entering Italy. He captured five strong-points and took oaths of allegiance in the districts that had once been held by Sigibert. At this point, his army was stricken by dysentery, and many died. The wind then changed and the temperature dropped a little, making the troops feel much better. They wandered around Italy for three months, but inflicted no losses on the enemy, who had shut themselves up in strongly-fortified places. The king himself remained safe inside the walls of Pavia. They then returned home, by which time supplies were so short they had to sell weapons and clothes to buy food.
Aftrwards, the Lombard king, Authari, sent peace envoys to Guntram, asking why the Franks continued to attack the Lombards, when they had not broken the oaths they had made. Guntram received the renewed offer of peace graciously, and sent the envoys on the Childebert. However, while they were still there, other envoys arrived to say that Authari was now dead. Nevertheless, they bought the same protestations of peace as the previous envoys. Childebert agreed in principle to a truce, but said that he would announce at a later date what his detailed plans were. After that, Maurice sent twenty bound men to Childebert, saying that these were the ones who had murdered the envoys, Evantius and Bodigisel. He said that Childebert could execute the men, or alternatively they could be exchanged back for a ransom of three hundred gold solidi each. Either way, that should be an end to the matter. Childebert was sceptical about these being the right men, for they could simply have been twenty slaves randomly selected to suit Maurice’s purposes. Grippo, who was present, said he did not recognise any of them. He thought that, if he was allowed to return to Carthage, he might be able to identify the real murderers of Evantius and Bodigisel. Childebert therefore refused to accept the twenty men, and decided to send another envoy to Maurice.

In the 16^th year of Childebert’s reign, and the 30^th year of Guntram’s, Gregory relates how Fredegund invited Guntram to come to Paris for the long-delayed baptism of Chlothar. Guntram would receive the boy from the baptismal font. Guntram sent some of his bishops ahead of him, and then made his way to his country estate of Rueil, just outside Paris. There, he had Chlothar brought to him, and made arrangements for the baptism to be carried out in the nearby village of Nanterre. Messengers from Childebert then arrived, accusing Guntram of breaking his agreement with the Austrasian king by confirming Chlothar’s right to the royal throne. Guntram denied that he was breaking any agreement with Childebert. He was, by request, simply receiving from the font his brother’s son, which was something that no Christian could refuse to do. He assured Childebert that, as long as he upheld the agreement they had made, he would do the same, complying with every small detail. Following the ceremony, many gifts were exchanged between Guntram and the representatives of Chlothar, after which Guntram returned home to Chalon-sur-Saône.

2.2.6 Overall Perspectives
This was the last entry relating to political events in The History of the Franks. Gregory, who was now growing old, went on to mention some ecclesiastical matters, and then began an account of the bishops of Tours, from the first, Gatianus, who was appointed in the first year of emperor Decius, through the fourth, Saint Martin, to the appointment of Gregory himself as the nineteenth bishop of the city. For each, Gregory gives the number of years they served in office, and also says that there was a 37-year gap between the death of the first bishop and the appointment of the second, Litorius, in the first year of emperor Constans. There was also a one-year vacancy between the seventeenth bishop, Gunthar, and the eighteenth, Eufronius.
As a coda, Gregory notes that he finished writing his History of the Franks in AM (E) 5792 (corresponding to AD 592), this year being the 19^th of the reign of Childebert II, the 33^rd of Guntram, the 5^th of pope Gregory, the 21^st of his own term as bishop of Tours, and the 197^th since the death of Saint Martin. Elsewhere, Gregory equated the first year of emperor Maurice with the 8^th year of Childebert, so the year in which he finished his work was also the 12^th year of Maurice.
Adding together Gregory’s figures for the Episcopal periods of the bishops of Tours, plus the vacant periods he notes between the first and second and between the seventeenth and eighteenth bishops, gives a total of 345 years from the 1^st year of Gatianus to the 21^st year of Gregory himself. Since, according to the information he gives, the 1^st year of bishop Gatianus was the 1^st year of emperor Decius and the 21^st year of bishop Gregory was the 11^th year of emperor Maurice, that indicates a total of 345 years from the 1^st year of Decius to the 11^th year of Maurice, which is consistent with the conventional chronology. Similarly, since, according to Gregory, Saint Martin died in the 2^nd year of the joint-rule of the emperors Arcadius and Honorius, which he dates as AM (E) 5596, and the 12^th year of Maurice was in the year he dates as AM (E) 5792, that gives a total of 196 years between the two regnal years, which again is consistent with the conventional chronology.
As we have seen above, much of this period is also covered, albeit in less detail, by the chronicle of Marius of Avenches, which is presented in the form of annals, the entry for each year being headed by the names of the consuls associated with it and, from AD 523 onwards, by the indiction year. There are 126 annual entries in the chronicle, the first for the consulship of Valentinian (for the 8^th time) and Anthemius (AD 455), the year when Avitus became emperor in the west whilst, in the east, Marcian was in his 5^th year, and the last entry dated as the 2^nd year of the consulship of Tiberius II (since by this time the office of consul had been subsumed into that of the emperor), which was the 5^th year of Childebert II. Once more, this is in general agreement (to within a year) with the conventional chronology.
It is evident that, in contrast to the situation in England, mentioned in section 1.1, there was a large amount of recorded history about events in Gaul during the period between the reigns of emperors Marcian and Maurice, relating to the Franks and their neighbours to the southwest, the Visigoths. This confirms the conclusion reached previously, that the shortage of historical evidence concerning England during this period is unlikely to be an indication of a chronological anomaly.
According to the picture presented by Gregory and other sources, the Frankish kingdom in Gaul operated independently, without any significant interference from the Roman Empire, from the reign of Clovis onwards. During this period, there were occasional mentions of the eastern emperors, Anastasius I, Justin I, Justinian I, Justin II, Tiberius II and Maurice, but all the indications were that by this time the northern half of Italy was under the control of the Ostrogoths and, after them, the Lombards. There was no reference to any western emperors.