Cjss second Issue: cjss second Issue qxd

From the History of the Foreign Policy of Georgian Kings 
in the 1
st
Half of the 14
th
Century
Giuli Alasania
The University of Georgia
he present paper focuses on the diplomatic relations between Georgia
and the Sultan of Egypt. The Georgian envoys were sent to Egypt several
times – in 1305/6, 1310/11, 1316/7, 1320. Their goal was restitution of
the Monastery of the Holy Cross in Jerusalem confiscated in 1270s by Bay-
bars I, the Sultan of Mamluk Egypt. Considering the issue the author of
the paper comes to the following conclusions: 
In all cases the envoys were sent by the king of the West Georgia, Con-
stantine, son to David, who achieved the goal in negotiations with the
Mamluk Sultan; 
Giorgi the Brilliant began his activities on the Holy Land after estab-
lishing peaceful relations between Ilkhans and Mamluk Sultan under the
treaty concluded in 1323. The latter was carried out with the active parng
Giorgi V.  Giorgi the Brilliant got independence by the flexible diplomatic
policy, alliance with Ilkhans in the confrontation between the Golden
Horde and Ilkhans and determining his right function in that situation;
“King of kings” David, who is mentioned is a renovator of the
Monastery of the Holy Cross in the bead-roll of the Monastery, is not David
VIII, as it was supposed in the scholarly literature, but David IX, son of
Giorgi the Brilliant.
qarTveli mefeebis sagareo politikis istoriidan
me-14 saukunis pirvel naxevarSi
giuli alasania
saqarTvelos universiteti
tatiaSi ganxilulia qarTveli mefeebis diplomatiuri ur-
TierToba egviptis sulTnebTan. qarTveli elCebi gaigzavnen eg-
vipteSi ramdenimejer: 1305/6, 1310/11, 1316/17, 1320 wlebSi. maTi
mizani iyo ierusalimSi jvris monastris gamoxsna muslimanTagan.
aRniSnuli monasteri CamoerTva qarTvelebs egviptis sulTanma
beibars I-ma, 1270-ian wlebSi. ganxiluli wyaroebis safuZvelze
statiis avtori midis Semdeg daskvnebamde:
elCebs yvela SemTxvevaSi agzavnis dasavleT saqarTvelos
mefe, daviT narinis Svili, konstantine, romelmac miaRwia mizans
mamluq sulTnebTan molaparakebaSi da daabrunebina jvris mona-
steri qarTvelebisaTvis;
s
s
T
T
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giorgi V aqtiur urTierTobas wmida miwasTan iwyebs mxolod
1323 wlidan, mas Semdeg, rac misi  monawileobiT daido zavi il-
xanebsa da mamluq sulTans Soris;
giorgi brwyinvalem moipova damoukidebloba moqnili diplo-
matiuri politikiT, ilxanebTan mokavSireobiT oqros urdosa da
ilxanebis dapirispirebaSi da arsebul viTarebaSi Tavisi fun-
qciis sworad gansazRvriT;
“mefeTa mefe” daviTi, romelic moxseniebulia monastris
aRapSi rogorc jvris monastris meored aRmSenebeli,  ar aris
daviT VIII, rogorc es navaraudevia samecniero literaturaSi,
aramed daviT IX, giorgi brwyinvales Svili.
The present work is contemplation on some episodes from the history
of Georgia in the first half of the 14
th
century – the time of momentous tri-
umph. It is the period when Mongol rule over Eastern Georgia came to an
end, the country restored its political integrity, and talks on the protection
of the rights of Georgians on the Holy Land - one of such rights being the de-
liverance of the monastery of the Holy Cross in Jerusalem - completed suc-
cessfully. 
Some considerations established in historiography and different views
on the same facts, often caused by scarcity and insufficiency of resources
and consequently miscellaneous interpretation of sources – have drawn
our attention. The purpose of the current study is not to bring new original
materials into scientific circulation. Rather, it is to present a different read-
ing of some historical sources and hence to specify some facts, taking into
consideration the international context of the time. 
First of all, it concerns the relation of Georgian kings with the sultans
of Egypt that was followed by the return of the monastery of the Holy Cross
in Jerusalem, seized by Muslims, to Georgians. In the Georgian historiogra-
phy three potential different dates are mentioned to denote this fact: 1305,
1310 and the 1320s. The first version is the most supported of all [1, 208-
216; 2, 95; 3, 47; 4, 79; 5, 263, 6, 43, 48; 7, 697; 8, 102; 9, 482-483; 10, 83;
11, 26-27; 12, 103].  
It has been mentioned many times that according to the notes of Arab
historians: Baybars al-Mansuri (approx. 1247-1312), Shihab al-Din al-
Nuwayri (died in 733/1333), al-Maqrizi (1364-1442) and al-‘Ayni (died in
1451), in 705/ 24.07.1305_12.07.1306 and 710/31.05.1310_19.05.1311,
Georgian envoys paid a visit to Cairo with an aim to get back the monastery
of the Holy Cross. Some authors only refer to the year AH 705 (Mujir al-Din
al-Hanbali, the same al-‘Ulaymi, died in 1521), while others (for example,
Mufaddal ibn Abi l-Fada’il, whose work was completed 759 /1357-58) only
point to 1310/11 [12, 94-104; 13, 38-9; 14, 289 -299.
Not long ago, G. Japaridze also touched upon the subject and by way of
adding new additional materials cast light on the issues that still seem ob-
scure. At the same time, G. Japaridze repudiated the position of a German
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scholar J. Pahlitzsch, according to whom there were two missions – in 1305
and in 1310, not only the one of 1305, when the monastery of the Holy
Cross was freed. G. Japaridze called for the attention of the following infor-
mation of Baybars al-Mansuri of 710-1310-11: 
“Georgian envoys arrived from Constantine, son of David, lord of
Kurjistan (Georgia) and Tiflis (Tbilisi). They asked him [Sultan al-
Nasir Muhammad] to return the Church of the Cross (Kanisat al-
Musallaba) which had been taken [from them] in the past by force. It
is known to have been theirs from old times and the chief of their
priests dwells in it [in the church]. And His well-embracing justice
proceeded slowly with returning it, in fulfillment of the Shari‘a, in-
tending to protect the public interests and impede [others’]
schemes… [14, 294]. 
The quoted fragment makes it clear that: 1. it was Constantine, son of
David, the King of western Georgia, who initiated sending the envoys – an
unknown fact for Georgian historiography; 2. there lives a chief of the Geor-
gian monks in the Monastery; and 3. The Sultan delayed returning the
Monastery. 
Right here, G. Japaridze states that although Constantine was not “the
lord of Tbilisi”, this is the way the latter presented himself in his letter to the
Sultan [14, 295-296]. 
Similar to D. Gocholeishvili [13, 39], G. Japaridze considered that the
monastery of the Holy Cross was returned in 1310. With an aim to substan-
tiate his position, the latter presented convincing argumentation. First of all,
he noted that “after the year 710/1310-11, Georgian envoys never went to
the Sultan to Cairo again to return the monastery of the Holy Cross” – the
evidence that G. Japaridze gained while studying Arabic narrative sources
of 14
th
_15
th
cc. and based on the decree of Sultan al-Nasir Muhammad b.
Kalawun dating back to Ramadan 8, 710, i. e.  January 29, 1311 on paying
an honor to Sadun al-Kurji – a monk living in the monastery of the Holy
Cross, as well as all other monks living with him, the Georgians and Geor-
gian pilgrims residing in other churches of Jerusalem [14, 295]. Right here,
we would like to draw your attention to the fact that although, according to
the source referred to above (the work of Baybars al-Mansuri), there was a
Georgian chief residing in the Monastery, the information may be reflecting
the event of a relatively later period of time than 1310/11 – when the work
of Baybars al-Mansuri was being written (no later than 1325). It should be
recalled that it would have been quite possible for Georgian monks to live
in one of the chambers of the monastery of the Holy Cross, even at the times
when the Monastery was seized and renovated as a mosque by Muslims.
There is evidence that Georgian monks managed to get back to the premises
of the Monastery under some circumstances. For instance, this happened in
the reign of Vakhtang III, when in 1300, accompanied with Mongols, the
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