Part 2 of 3: Milton A. Maxwell,
"The Washingtonian Movement"
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DURATION OF THE MOVEMENT
How long the Washingtonian movement continued in full force is a difficult
question to answer. The most dramatic strides were made between the summers
of
1841 and 1842, but apparently the peak of activity was reached in 1843. That
year, Gough was touring New England, and Hawkins northern and western New
York
as well as sections of Vermont, New Hampshire and Maine. R.P. Taylor was
doing
effective work in Georgia. Late that autumn Hawkins campaigned in North
Carolina
and Georgia, stimulating great Washingtonian activity in that region. It was
a
year of high activity, with the major portion of the work carried on, as it
was
through most of the life of the movement, by numerous Washingtonians whose
names
are unrecorded.
On May 28,1844, in Boston, the Washingtonians were the sponsors of , and
leading
participants in, the largest temperance demonstration ever held, up to that
time, with nearly 30,000 members of various temperance organizations
participating. Governor George N. Briggs, William K. Mitchell and John B.
Gough
were the leading speakers.
In the fall of 1845 Hawkins began one of his most intensive campaigns, in
Ohio,
Indiana and Illinois, winding up in the spring of 1846 with very successful
meetings in New Orleans and Mobile. During this 8-month period Hawkins not
only
spoke daily but also directed the work of many assistants and helped, as he
always did, to organize societies to continue the work. In much of the
territory
covered by Hawkins on this campaign the Washingtonian movement was still at
full
tide in 1845 and 1846. This tends to corroborate the generalization of
Wooley
and Johnson that "for four years it continued to sweep the country." But in
some
of the cities which had been reached by the movement in 1841, a decline had
already set in.
In New York City the Sons of Temperance, a total abstinence order which had
been
founded with the help and blessing of Washingtonians, had begun, late in
1842,
to receive into its membership many Washingtonians. Slowly but increasingly
it
displaced the function of the Washington societies.
In Cincinnati, in January 1845, Lyman Beecher wrote to John Marsh about the
"resurgence of the liquor tide" and of the need for a new type of temperance
appeal. He thought that "though the Washingtonians have endured and worked
well,
their thunder is worn out"(13).
Fehlandt (4) states that "By 1843...interest began to wane, and soon
Washingtonianism had spent its force." It might be correct to say that the
first
signs of waning interest appeared in 1843 but it is not probable that such
signs
were detectable in most areas before 1844 - and in some areas not until
latter.
Hence, no generalization seems to apply to the entire country.
Most significant as an index of general interest are the references to the
Washingtonian movement in the annual Reports of the executive committee of
the
American Temperance Union, published in May of each year. The 1842 Report
enthusiastically details the spread of the movement. The 1843 Report
reflects
continued enthusiasm. The 1844 Report notes that the movement "has continued
through its fourth year with as much interest as could be expected." The
1845
Report contains news of the crowded weekly meetings and increased success of
the
Hartford, Conn., Washington Temperance Society, but there is also expressed
the
feeling of John Marsh that the movement "has in a considerable measure spent
its
force." In the 1846 Report the movement is referred to as "once so deeply
enlisting the sympathies." In the 1847 Report it is admitted that "The
reformation of drunkards has not, as in former years, formed a prominent
part of
the year now past." The 1848 Report contains no mention of the Washingtonian
movement at all.
Hawkins, Gough and others were called Washingtonians to the end of their
lives,
but there is no record, to the writer's knowledge, of organized
Washingtonian
activity beyond 1847 except in the Boston area.*3* There in March 1847, the
Washingtonians of New England held a large convention. In January 1848 the
Boston Washington Society reported having 56,380 signatures since the date
of
its founding in 1841. According to Harrison (8), writing in 1860, the Boston
society continued to exist and meet weekly up to 1860, at which time 70,000
signatures were claimed. In 1858 the Home for the Fallen, using
Washingtonian
principles in the rehabilitation of alcoholics, was in existence in
Boston.*4*
But in other parts of the country, by 1858, there were to be found
references to
"the early days" when Washingtonianism swept the country.
______________________________
*3* The writer has since learned of the existence of the Washingtonian Home
in
Chicago, founded in 1863 by members of the Order of Good Templars who may
well
have been Washingtonians. This institution is still engaged exclusively in
the
rehabilitation of alcoholics.
*4* This institution has been in continuous existence to the present time,
having undergone a number of changes in name and in policy. It is now known
as
the Washington Hospital and engages in the treatment of alcoholism by
contemporary medical and social techniques.
______________________________
NUMERICAL SUCCESS
How many persons became members of the Washingtonian societies? There is no
satisfactory answer to this question. The statistics that are available are
varied, contradictory and, hence, unreliable; furthermore, they are given on
two
different bases - the number who signed the total abstinence pledge, and the
number of drunkards reclaimed. Neither of these coincides with the
membership of
Washingtonian societies.
Several sources(12,14) repeat the American Temperance Union estimate (7)
that by
1843, 5,000,000 had signed the total abstinence pledge and were associated
with
over 10,000 local societies. Since only 350,000 such signers had been
claimed in
1839 (15), this would mean a gain of over 4,500,000 as a result of the
Washingtonian "pledge-signing revival." This would represent nearly
one-fourth
of the total U.S. population aged 15 years and over. When it is considered,
as
E.M. Jellinek has estimated, that for the population aged 15 years and older
the
per capita consumption of distilled spirits decreased by only 14.3 per cent
(form 4.9 gallons) between 1840 and 1850, some doubt is thrown upon the
validity
of this estimate. Marsh himself, in 1848, revised his estimate of total
abstainers downward to 4,000,000 (7). Even this number points to the
probability
that a large percentage of the pledge signers were under the age of 15.
Furthermore, since the signers belonged to all kinds of temperance
societies, it
is impossible to estimate what percentage, or how many, were enrolled in
Washingtonian societies.
In attempting to estimate the number of alcoholics reclaimed by the
Washingtonian movement, more difficulties are encountered. The major one is
the
fact that all the societies had mixed memberships - former teetotallers
(often
children), moderate drinkers, excessive drinkers, and confirmed alcoholics.
Nevertheless, estimates have been made and the claims vary from 100,000 (12)
to
600,000. The latter figure, often repeated, seems to be based on the 1843
Report
(7) of the American Temperance Union, in which it stated that: "A
half-million
hard drinkers often drunken, and a hundred thousand sots...may safely be
considered as having been brought to sign the total abstinence pledge within
the
last two years." Wooley and Johnson (12) state: "It is commonly computed
that at
least one hundred thousand common drunkards were reclaimed in the crusade
and at
least three times as many common tipplers became total abstainers." This
seems
to be based on Eddy (14), who in turn seems to be quoting an American
Temperance
Union estimate that, by the summer of 1842, "the reformation had included at
least 100,000 common drunkards, and three times that number of tipplers who
were
in a fair way to become sots."
One chief difficulty resides in the employment of an undefined terminology,
including "hard drinkers often drunken;" "confirmed drinkers;" "drunkard;"
"common drunkard;" "conformed drunkard;" "inebriate;" "sot;" "tippler;"
"common
tippler;" and "tipplers in a fair way to become sots." What do these terms
mean
and how were they distinguished from each other?
Ignoring the loose use of these terms, for the moment, and turning to the
percentage of reclaimed inebriates in Washingtoniansocieties, a great
variety of
claims is to be noted. Eight months after its beginning the Baltimore
society
claimed that two-thirds of their 300 members were reclaimed drunkards(9). At
the
close of 1841 it was claimed that 100,000 pledges had been taken as a result
of
Washingtonian activity, "more than one-third by confirmed drinkers"(16). But
in
the statistics offered by the same source, and for the same period of time,
by
the vigorous Cincinnati Washington society, only 900 (11.3 per cent) of the
8,000 members were said to have been reformed drunkards. A Battleboro, Vt.,
report stated: "We have 150 members already in our Washington Society, six
or
seven hard cases." This comes to four or five per cent. Of the 42,273
pledged
members in 82 Vermont towns cited in the 1844 Report, only 518 (1.2 per
cent)
were reformed drunkards probably varied greatly from community to community
-
and probably varied at different times even in the same society.
Since the American Temperance Union records are the chief source of
information
for later historians, some weight may be given to John Marsh's later
estimate
(13) that 150,000 drunkards were permanently rescued as a result of
Washingtonian activity. But when his 1843 estimate of "A half million hard
drinkers often drunken, and a hundred thousand sots" is recalled, it is
impossible not to be suspicious of his estimates - and particularly of his
use
of terms. The number may well have been less than 150,000, and it may well
have
included everything from "confirmed drinkers," to "hard drinkers often
drunken"
to "common drunkards" to "sots." What are the numbers of true alcoholics
was, is
anyone's guess.
But if there is uncertainty concerning the number of alcoholics temporarily
helped or permanently rehabilitated - or the number of persons who became
total
abstainers - there is no question that the movement made a tremendous
impact.
Its results, furthermore, were not short-lived. Within the temperance there
was
not only a decided gain of strength but also the opening of "the way for
more
advanced thought and effort...(14)." As for the problem of alcoholism, some
permanent though limited gain resulted. Dr. T.D. Crothers, a leading
psychiatrist of his time, wrote in 1911:
The Washingtonian movement...was a great clearing house movement, breaking
up
old theories and giving new ideas of the nature and character of inebriety.
It
was literally a sudden and intense projection of the ideas of the moral side
of
inebriety, into public thought, and while it reacted when the reform wave
died
out, it served to mobilize and concentrate public attention upon the
question,
of how far the inebriate could control his malady, and what efforts were
needed
to enable him to live temperately. This first practical effort to settle
these
questions was the beginning of the organization of lodging houses for the
members of the societies who had failed to carry out the pledges which they
had
made. This was really the beginning of the hospital system of cure, and was
the
first means used to give practical help to the inebriate, in a proper home,
with
protection, until he was able to go out, with a degree of health and hope of
restoration (17).
ORGANIZATION AND PROCEDURE
As has been indicated, the Washingtonian movement took organized form in the
thousands of local total abstinence societies which, almost without
exception,
had a mixed membership of former teetotallers and moderate drinkers as well
as
inebriates of various degrees. This was the pattern set by the original
Baltimore society. A large percentage of these societies, presumably, were
new
societies carrying the Washington name. Many were old societies, reorganized
and
renamed. But often the work was carried on in societies already in
existence,
without any change in name. Hawkins, it will be recalled, became the paid
secretary of the Massachusetts Temperance Society. Nevertheless, he was
active
in the Boston Washington society. There seemed, at the time, to be no
organizational rivalry, and that must have been true in many communities
throughout the years of the movement. In Alabama, Sellers (18) states, "This
organization [Washingtonian] was never an
independent unit, but was attached to temperance societies already
existing."
On the other hand, rivalry and mutual resentment between the "old" and the
"new"
societies did develop in many communities. Even in Boston, in the
demonstration
in which so many societies of all types participated in May 1844, the old
Massachusetts Temperance Society and the old Massachusetts Temperance Union
did
not take part (1). Krout summarizes the difficulties that developed between
the
Washingtonians and the older societies in many communities:
Under the compulsion of popular demand many of the old societies had
employed
Washingtonian speakers to revive a waning interest, but they had been
disappointed that the new pledge-signers could seldom be persuaded to join
existing organizations. Wherever Washingtonian workers conducted campaigns,
it
was necessary either to form a new society officered by reform men, or to
convert the old group into a Washingtonian abstinence society. To some who
had
laboured long in temperance work...it appeared...that the Washingtonians had
no
interest in the triumphs of the struggle prior to 1840. The younger movement
seemed to be unwilling to learn anything from the older. Its membership
scoffed
at the methods and principles formerly held in esteem...The old leaders were
being set aside. Any Tom, Dick or Harry could direct the course of the
reform.
Washingtonian "Heralds," "Standards" and "Advocates" were springing up
everywhere, and then expiring from lack of funds.
Their existence was too often marked by unpleasant controversies with other
temperance periodicals. The Washingtonians, on the other hand, charged that
the
older societies refused to co-operate with them...(1).
Further evidence of this distrust and cleavage, as well as of the
differences in
organization, was given in the Washingtonian Pocket Companion (19),
published in
Utica, N.Y., in 1842:
Some societies make uniting with them, a virtual renunciation of all
membership
with any other temperance societies...This is because the principles of the
old,
and of our societies, differ so widely - and also to prevent the old
societies
from subverting ours...
Some societies take none but those who have lately made, sold, or used
intoxicating liquors - others receive all except children under a certain
age -
others receive even children with the consent of their parents or guardians.
Some societies omit that part of the pledge which relates to the "Making and
selling, directly or indirectly," and pledge to total abstinence from using,
only. They think it a benefit to bring the maker and vender into the society
first, and then induce them to give up their business.
In some cases, the female members of our societies act as a Benevolent
Society,
within, or in co-operation and fellowship with us. In others, the ladies
form
separate and distinct societies. Their names are numerous...(19).
Even though no uniformity of organization or procedure prevailed, yet a
minimum
of common pattern ran throughout the movement. This might be said to be (A)
the
reclamation of inebriates by "reformed drunkards" - employing the "principle
of
love" and the total abstinence pledge; and (B) having reformed drunkards
telling
their experiences for the dual purpose of reaching the drunkard and winning
others to the total abstinence pledge.
The Baltimore pattern, very effectively reproduced in Boston under the
guidance
of Hawkins, seemed to have been the ideal pattern which the majority of
Washingtonian groups approximated in varying degrees. Since records of the
Boston operations have been preserved, the organization and procedure of
that
society will be given in some detail.
The aggressive missionary work of carrying Washingtonianism into 160 New
England
towns during the first 3 months of the Boston society's existence has been
noted. Of even greater interest are the details of the work with alcoholics,
during this same period, as related by Samuel F. Holbrook, the first
president
of the society:
The Washington Total Abstinence Society was organized on the 25th of April,
1841. On the evening of its formation the officers elected were a president,
two
vice-presidents, a corresponding secretary, and a treasurer; after which
there
were chosen twenty-four gentlemen to serve as ward committee, whose duty it
was
to pick up inebriates, induce them to sign the pledge of total abstinence,
and
forsake all places where intoxicating drink was to be had, and also to visit
the
families of the reformed and administer to their wants.
It now became necessary to have a place exclusively our own, where we could
bring the unfortunate victim of intemperance, nurse him, and converse with
him,
and obtain his signature to the pledge;...[We] were led to Marlboro Chapel.
We
obtained Hall No. 1 for a business and occasional lecture room, and the
chapel
for a public meeting once a week. Hall No. 1 was furnished with newspapers
from
various towns, as well as nearly all the publications of our own city. A
table
prepared, and the seats were arranged in the form of a reading room; a
fountain
of cold water and a desk containing the pledge occupied another part of the
room.
Our pledge, for the first week, had two hundred and eighteen names; and
then, as
if by magic, the work commenced. And I think it is doubtful if in the annals
of
history there is any record of a work of such a nature and progressing with
so
much silence, and yet so sure in its advance. Surely it is the work of the
omnipotent God...
The gentlemen acting as ward committees were filled with unexampled zeal and
perseverance in the performance of their duties; leaving their own business
in
order to hunt up the drunkard;...So attentive were they to this voluntary
duty
that in a fortnight we had four hundred names on our pledge; families in all
directions were assisted, children sent to school decently clad, employment
obtained for the husband, the countenance of the wife assumed a cheerful and
pleasing aspect; landlords grew easy, and in fact everything relating to the
circumstances of the reformed inebriate had undergone a complete change for
the
better...
The reeling drunkard is met in the street, or drawn out from some old filthy
shed, taken by the arm, spoken kindly to, invited to the hall, and with
reluctance dragged there, or carried in a carriage if not too filthy; and
there
he sees himself surrounded by friends, and not what he most feared - police
officers; everyone takes him by the hand; he begins to come to and when
sober
sign the pledge, and goes away a reformed man. And it does not end there.
The
man takes a pledge, and from his bottle companions obtains a number of
signers,
who likewise become sober men. Positively, these are facts. Now, can any
human
agency alone do this? All will answer No; for we have invariably the
testimony
of vast numbers of reformed men, who have spoken in public and declared they
have broken off a number of times, but have as often relapsed again: and the
reason they give for doing this is that they rely wholly on the strength of
their resolution without looking any higher; but now they feel the need of
God's
assistance, which having obtained, their reform is genuine...(8).
Holbrook also made some interesting comparisons with the attitudes and
methods
of the older temperance societies:
...As for reclaiming the drunkard, that was entirely out of the question;
they
must and will die shortly, and now our business is to take care of the
rising
generation. And when the hard working women complained of her drunken
husband,
the reply was, and from all feeling of good, to, O send him to the house of
correction, or poor house, immediately, and then we will do what we can for
you
and your children. Now the great difficulty was that our temperance friends
were, generally, men in higher circles of life, who would revolt at the idea
of
taking a drunkard by the arm in the street and walk with him to some place
where
he could be made sober and receive friendly advice. If the drunken man was
noticed at all, he was taken aside from under the horses' feet, and perhaps
put
into some house and there left...But the method of reclaiming the apparently
lost inebriate, such as the Washington Total Abstinence Society has adopted,
never entered their heads; it was not thought of until our society was
formed.
Then some twenty or thirty drunkards came forward and signed the total
abstinence pledge and related their experience, and this induced others to
do
the same; and then the work of reform commenced in good earnest(8).
The "Auditor's Report" contains additional information on the activities of
the
Boston society during its first 3 months. After reporting the receipt of
$2,537.10, one barrel of pork, four hams, and a considerable quantity of
second-hand clothing, he referred to the system they had adopted "of
boarding
out single persons and assisting the inebriate and his family who had
homes."
In addition to not less than one hundred and fifty persons boarded out [in
"three good boarding-houses, kept by discreet members of the society"], two
hundred and fifty families have been more or less benefited. Families the
most
wretched have been made comfortable; by our exertions many families that
were
scattered have been reunited; fathers, sons, and brothers have been taken
from
the houses of correction and industry, from the dram shops, and from the
lowest
places of degradation, restored and brought back again under the same roof,
made
happy, industrious, and temperate...Our society at present numbers about
4,000
members...[about] one third...heads of families...(8).
Harrisson rounds out the first 2 years' history of the Boston society:
For the space of two years after its organization the meetings of the
society
were held in Marlboro' Chappel, while the lodging rooms connected therewith
were
located in Graphic Court, opposite Franklin Street. From there they removed
to
No. 75 Court Street...They also fitted up rooms under their hall for the
temporary accommodations of reformed, or rather, reforming men. They soon
again
removed to rooms which they procured and fitted up in Broomfield Street...
During the first two years of its existence the officers and members of the
society held weekly meetings in six different localities in the city of
Boston,
namely: in North Bennett Street, Milton Street, Washington Place, East
Street,
Common Street, and Hull Street...(8).
Another glimpse of the activities of this society, 4 years after its
founding,
is provided in a memorial petition presented to the State Legislature in
1845:
....From the period of its formation to the present time, it has sustained a
commodious hall for holding public meetings...Large numbers of persons, in
various stages of intoxication and destitution, who have been found in the
streets and elsewhere, have been led to the Washingtonian Hall, where they
have
been kindly received, and their necessary wants supplied. The amount of
service
which has been rendered within the last four years, by this society, cannot
be
readily appreciated. A multitude of men who, by intemperance, had been shut
out
from the friendly regard of the world, found in the hall of the
Washingtonians,
for the time being, a comfortable asylum; and these men departed thence to
resume their position as useful citizens. About 750 such persons have found
a
temporary home at Washingtonian Hall, during the year just closed, nearly
all of
whom, it is believed, are now temperate and industrious members of
society(8).
4 As already noted, this society reported having received 56,380 members up
to
January 1848. According to Harrisson, the central meetings were held each
week
uninterrupted at least to 1860. Whether an "Asylum" for inebriates was
maintained during the intervening years, the writer cannot ascertain. But in
1858 a "home for the Fallen," representing perhaps a renewal of activities,
was
being maintained on Franklin Place. It was moved to 36 Charles Street in
1860
and renamed the "Washington Home." Conducted by a separate "executive
committee," it nevertheless was operating on Washingtonian principles.
So much for the Boston society. Apparently Hawkins and his associates had
laid a
more sound foundation than was achieved in many communities.
As for organization and procedures elsewhere, perhaps the best clues are
given
in the 1842 Washingtonian Pocket Companion (19), "Containing a Choice
Collection
of Temperance Hymns, Songs, Etc.," - containing also the following
directions
"For Commencing, Organizing, and Conducting the Meetings, of a Washingtonian
Total Abstinence Society."
I. The Commencement.- Wherever there are a sufficient number of drinkers, to
get
up what is commonly called "a spree," there are enough to form a Society. It
only needs one or more individuals, (If an inebriate, or moderate drinker,
but
resolved to reform, all the better,) to go to those persons, and to others
who
make, sell or use intoxicating drinks and explain to them the principles and
measures of this great reform, and persuade them to agree to take the pledge
at
a meeting to be held at some convenient time and place mutually agreed on.
In
all these efforts, the utmost gentleness, and kindness, and patient
perseverance, and warm persuasion, should be used. At the meetings, appoint
a
Chairman and a Secretary - if reformed inebriates, all the better. After
singing
a hymn or song, let the Chairman, or other person, open the meeting by
stating
its objectives - relating his experience in drinking, his past feelings,
sufferings, the woe of his family and friends, the motives and reasons that
induce him to take the present step, and appeal warmly and kindly to his
companions, friends and neighbours to aid him in it by doing likewise. The
Secretary, or other person may follow with a like experience...Other persons
can
be called on to speak, until it is time to get signers to the pledge. Having
read the pledge...invite all who wish to join to rise up, (or come forward,)
and
call out their names that the Secretary may take them down. Publicity and
freedom are preferable to private solicitations, whisperings, and secrecy in
giving the names...Then let the Chairman or other person, first pledge
himself,
and then administer it to the rest.
After this, a hymn or song may be sung, and remarks and appeals be made, and
other names be obtained. After all have been obtained to take the pledge,
let
them again rise up, and let the Chairman, or Secretary, or other person,
give
them THE CHARGE - a solemn address on the nature and importance of the
obligations they have assumed and on the best mode of faithfully discharging
them. Then let a committee be appointed to draft a Constitution to be
presented
at the next meeting.
II. THE ORGANIZATION. - At the next meeting, after singing, let the
Constitution
be reported, and amended, if necessary, until it suits those who have taken
the
pledge at and since the last meeting. Then adopt it. It should contain the
following, among the needed provisions. Preamble - A simple statement of the
prominent evils of intemperance, and of the resolution of the signers to aid
in
extirpating their root. Some prefer a Parody on our National Declaration of
Independence for this purpose. Article 1 - The name of the Society, always
using
the distinctive title, "Washingtonian," in that name. Article 2 - Declaring
that
love, Kindness and moral suasion are your only principles and measures, and
disavowing denunciation, abuse, and harshness. Article 3 - Forbid the
introduction of sectarian sentiments or party politics into any lecture,
speeches, singing, or doings of the society. Article 4 - Providing for
offices,
committees, and their election. Articles 5,6, and 7 - Duties of officers and
committees. (One of these should be a committee to relieve the poor, sick
and
afflicted members and families of inebriates.) Article 8 - Provide for
by-laws,
and alterations of the Constitution. Article 9 - Provide for labours with
those
who violate their pledges, and the withdrawal of members...
III. HOW to CONDUCT the MEETINGS. - After the meeting has come to order,
always
open with a hymn or song. Transact the business of the society with the
utmost
order and dispatch....Then call for speakers. Let there be as many
"experiences"
as possible, interspersed with brief arguments, appeals, exhortations, news
of
the progress of the cause, temperance anecdotes, &c. Consult brevity, so as
to
have as many of the brethren speak, as possible - the more the better....And
always be sure to call for persons to take the pledge, when the audience
feel in
the right spirit. While the pledges are being filled up for delivery, pour
out
the warmest appeals, or sing the most interesting hymns or songs. If any
member
or other person violates the rules or order, or transgresses the principles
and
measures of the society, remind him of it in good humour, gently and
kindly...KINDNESS must be the very atmosphere of your meetings, and LOVE the
fuel of all your zeal, and PERSUASION the force of all your speaking, if you
would have your society do the most good...(19).
Even more revealing is the definition, contained in the same Pocket
Companion,
of the principles of the Washingtonian movement in terms of its differences
from
the older societies.
I. All the former Societies directed their efforts mainly, if not wholly to
the
prevention of intemperance.
"Washingtonianism," while it embraces all classes, sexes, ages and
conditions of
society in its efforts, makes special efforts to snatch the poor inebriate
from
his destructive habits - aims to cure as well as prevent intemperance. It
considers the drunkard as a man - our brother - capable of being touched by
kindness, of appreciating our love, and benefiting by our labours. We
therefore,
stoop down to him in his fallen condition and kindly raise him up, and
whisper
hope and encouragement into his ear, and aid him to aid himself back again
to
health, peace, usefulness, respectability and prosperity. By the agency of
SISTERS in this labour, we endeavour to secure the co-operation of his
family in
our effort...
II. Other societies, generally were auxiliary to a Country - that to a State
-
and that to a National Society...
"Washingtonianism"...[makes] each society independent...
III. Before the Washingtonian Reform, not only the poor drunkard, but many
of
nearly every other class in society supposed to be in the way of the
[temperance] cause, were denounced as enemies - held up to public
indignation
and reprobation, threatened with the withdrawal of votes, pecuniary support,
or
public countenance;...
"Washingtonianism" teaches us to avoid this course...We believe with the
American Prison Discipline Society, that "there is a chord, even in the most
corrupt heart, that vibrates to kindness, and a sense of justice, which
knows
when it has been rightly dealt with." We have tried kindness with the poor
inebriate of many years continuance - we have found it powerful to overcome
the
induration of heart caused by eight years of the world's contempt...Hence we
adopt the law of kindness - the godlike principle, "Be not overcome of evil,
but
overcome evil with good," in our labours to win the maker, seller and user
of
intoxicating liquors; and we disavow all compulsions, threats,
denunciations,
hard names,...or malice or ill-will toward them...In short, "Moral suasion,
not
force - love not hate, are the moving springs in the Washingtonian Creed"
(19).
The hymns and songs contained in this Pocket Companion are likewise
revealing.
Most of them are simply adapted Christian hymns and temperance songs,
appealing
basically to religious and patriotic sentiments. In the preface it is
frankly
stated that only such hymns and songs have been included which introduce no
"sectarianism, party politics, denunciation or harshness," or which contain
no
"phrases and sentiments which all Christians could not conscientiously
sing."
The central emphasis is probably contained in the following hymn on the
"Power
of Love."
Love is the strongest tie Love softens all our toil,
That can our hearts unite; And makes our labours blest;
Love brings to life and liberty It lights again the joyful smile,
The drunkard chained in night And gives the anguished rest.
Obeying its commands, Let love forever grow,
We quickly supply each need; Intemp'rance drive afar,
With feeling hearts and tender hands A heaven begin on earth below
Bind up his wounds that bleed. And banish strife and war.
The principle of love and sympathy for the drunkard is, in countless
references,
considered to be the distinctively new feature introduced by the
Washingtonians
- and their central principle. John B. Gough attributed the success of the
movement to "the true spirit of Washingtonian sympathy, kindness and
charity...predominant in the bosom of this great Washingtonian
Fraternity"(11).
Walter Channing, Unitarian Clergyman, in underscoring this principle, also
calls
attention to the other distinctive feature of the Washingtonian movement -
the
role played by the "reformed drunkards" themselves:
It was wholly new, both in its principles and its agents. It laid aside law
and
punishment, and made love, the new commandment, its own. It dared to look
upon
moral power as sufficient for the work of human regeneration - the living
moral
power in the drunkard, however degraded he might be. It had faith in
man...[and
so] the drunkard became a moral teacher... he rose from the lowest depths of
degradation, and became an apostle of the highest sentiment in his nature;
viz.,
the love of man, the acknowledgment of the inborn dignity of man (9).
THE CAUSES OF DECLINE
The materials presented above would scarcely give the impression that the
major
cause of the decline of the Washingtonian movement was its lack, and
opposition
to, religion. Yet that charge gained currency and has been perpetuated in
later
temperance writings. For example, Daniels, in 1877, wrote that "...this
effort
to divorce temperance from religion was the chief weakness of the
Washingtonian
movement(20)."
Actually, the charge seems to be based upon the generalization and
misinterpretation of certain real difficulties that did develop, in places,
between the Washingtonians and the churches - and upon the views of a few
extremists. A major source of information about the Washingtonian movement
available to later historians were the publications of the American
Temperance
Movement, edited by John Marsh. In 1842 Marsh did become concerned about the
attitudes of some of the Washingtonians: "A lack of readiness on their part
to
acknowledge their dependence on God, no small desecration of the Sabbath,
and a
painful unwillingness, in not a few professed Christians, to connect the
temperance cause...with religion(13)."
It must be recalled that Marsh was the earliest and most ardent promoter of
the
Washington movement. He had a genuine interest in the reformation of
drunkards,
but his greatest interest was the promotion of the temperance cause. Above
all,
Marsh wanted to establish the identification of temperance with religion and
to
obtain the support of all church members. When the behaviour of some of the
Washingtonians threatened to antagonize some of the church people against
the
temperance cause, Marsh did his best in his writings to counteract the
threatening trends in the Washingtonian movement. Later historians seemed to
overlook the fact that Marsh was addressing himself to minority
manifestations -
and that Marsh succeeded to a considerable extent in countering these
trends.
When, in the summer of 1844, Marsh sponsored and accompanied John B. Gough
on a
tour through New York State, he was pleased with the fact that Gough was
able to
speak in many churches - "even upperclass churches." On this improved
rapport
with the churches, Marsh commented:
The open infidelity, and radicalism, and abuse of ministers, by some
reform-speakers had kindled up in many minds an opposition to all temperance
effort, especially on the Sabbath; but Mr. Gough took such decided ground on
religion, as the basis of all temperance, and the great security and hope of
the
reformed, as entirely reconciled them, not only to the meetings, but to his
occupying the pulpit on the Sabbath (13).
The causes and coolness and even hostility between some of the
Washingtonians
and some of the churches lay on both sides. For one thing, many
Washingtonians
felt that their movement represented a purer form of Christianity than was
to be
found in the churches. In fact, their chief criticism of churches was on
this
score and did not stem out of antireligious beliefs. They felt that they
were
living the principles which the churches talked about. This was expressed,
for
example, in the following hymn stanza:
When Jesus, our Redeemer, came
To teach us in his Father's name,
In every act, in every thought
He lived the precepts which he taught (19).
Washingtonians, furthermore, we often critical of the unhealthy other -
worldliness prevalent in many churches:
This world's not all a fleeting show,
For a man's illusion given;
He that hath sooth'd a drunkard's woe,
And led him to reform, doth know,
There's something here of heaven.
The Washingtonian that hath run
The path of kindness even;
Who's measr'd out life's little span,
In deeds of love to God and man,
On earth has tasted heaven (19).
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++++Message 5542. . . . . . . . . . . . Part 3 of 3: Maxwell on the
Washingtonians
From: Glenn Chesnut . . . . . . . . . . . . 2/24/2009 12:41:00 PM
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From: James Blair
(jblair at videotron.ca)
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