6
a means to counter, his great auctoritas and therefore serves to highlight the possibility that
Pompey‟s non-committal tactic could have negative repercussions.
Velleius Paterculus too picks up on Pompey‟s ambition. In his almost panegyrical
presentation of Pompey,
12
he lists Pompey‟s exceptional purity (innocentia) of life, his
uprightness of character ( sanctitate praecipuus), his moderate oratorical talent ( eloquentia
medius), his military skills as a general, his loyalty in friendships and his almost faultless
character except his unwillingness to see anybody his equal in dignitas.
13
Velleius‟ evaluation
of Pompey‟s oratorical skills as only moderate stick out as a not very positive feature in his
otherwise extremely flattering portrait. The source for Velleius‟ portrait of Pompey is
unknown, but it has been suggested that the information derives from one or more
panegyrists or biographers of Pompey whose works are now lost. We know that various
authors wrote praising accounts of Pompey‟s military achievements, and they may also have
included the element of oratory, which Velleius could then have picked up.
14
12
M. Elefante, Velleius Paterculus: Ad M. Vinicium consulem libri duo (Hildesheim, Zürich
& New York, 1997), 273.
13
Vel. Pat. 2.29.3-4.
14
Manius Otacilius Pitholaus, Pompey‟s teacher of rhetoric, wrote about Pompey in the
Social War: Cic. Flacc. 28; Suet. Rhet. 3 with R.A. Kaster, C. Suetonius Tranquillus: De
Grammaticis et Rhetoribus (Oxford, 1995), comm. ad loc. Posidonius wrote about Pompey‟s
exploits: Strab. 11.1.6. Theophanes even received Roman citizenship, as did his hometown
Mytilene, from Pompey as a thank you for his panegyric of Pompey: Cic. Arch. 24; Val.
Max. 8.14.3; Vel. Pat. 2.18.1; Plut. Pomp. 42; cf. Strabo 11.5.1, 13.2.3. Later authors of the
imperial age often used Pompey as a historical example; we have already seen the evaluation
of Pompey‟s ambition presented by Lucan, Seneca, Plutarch and Dio. We may detect a shift
7
Contrast Tacitus‟ positive impression of Pompey‟s oratorical skills. In his Dialogus de
oratoribus, the interlocutor Maternus argues that in the Republic eloquence was considered a
necessity for success in the popular assemblies, the senate and in the law courts.
15
He
illustrates this view with a few examples of Republican orators, including Pompey. It is
noteworthy how positively Maternus regards Pompey‟s oratory, in contrast with Cicero‟s and
Velleius‟ judgements:
nescio an venerint in manus vestras haec vetera, quae et in antiquariorum bibliothecis adhuc
manent et cum maxime a Muciano contrahuntur, ac iam undecim ut opinor, Actorum libris et
tribus Epistularum composita et edita sunt. ex his intellegi potest Cn. Pompeium et M.
Crassum non viribus modo et armis, sed ingenio quoque et oratione valuisse; Lentulos et
Metellos et Lucullos et Curiones et ceteram procerum manum multum in his studiis operae
curaeque posuisse, nec quemquam illis temporibus magnam potentiam sine aliqua eloquentia
consecutum.
„Perhaps you have had in your hands those ancient records, which are still kept in the
libraries of collections and which are just now being compiled by Mucianus; and they have
already been arranged and edited in eleven volumes, I believe, of Records and three volumes
in the presentation of Pompey before and after his death, possibly inspired by Cicero‟s brief
obituary note (Cic. Att. 11.6.5) which sets up a dichotomy between Pompey‟s destructive
political ambition and his admirable personal morality. See also Griffin (n. 8), 189-90 on
Seneca‟s presentation.
15
For discussion of Tacitus‟ view of oratory in this work, see W. Dominik, „Tacitus and
Pliny on Oratory,‟ in W. Dominik & J. Hall (edd.), A Companion to Roman Rhetoric
(Oxford, 2007), 323-38.
8
of Letters. From these it can be understood that Cn. Pompeius and M. Crassus were powerful
not only through manly virtues and military means, but also through their talented oratory;
that the Lentuli and the Metelli and the Luculli and the Curios and the great group of all other
leading men devoted effort and care to these studies, and that in their day no one achieved
great influence without some degree of eloquence.‟
16
Here, we see the traditional pairing of Pompey and Crassus, which seems to have been a
feature already in their own day and later underlined further by Plutarch.
17
This passage
follows immediately upon a passage about the necessity of oratory for political success in the
republic, and it is particularly curious that Tacitus, or, strictly speaking, Maternus, has chosen
Pompey and Crassus to exemplify this idea when, for example, Cicero or Caesar would have
been much more obvious choices. Did Tacitus simply want to insert a reference to Mucianus‟
collections of ancient records to add credibility to his view point?
18
Did he indeed find
Pompey and Crassus the best examples of oratorical skill by contrast to Cicero? Or was it
because Pompey and Crassus were more known for their military achievements and
therefore, in Tacitus‟ view, better illustrated the notion that oratorical talent must have played
a part too in their political success? The latter possibility seems more likely: if even Pompey
and Crassus could be presented as good orators, then Tacitus‟ (or, strictly, Maternus‟)
argument about the centrality of oratory becomes inescapable. If so, their prominence here is
not surprising, but perhaps, for the same reason, gives us little indication about their real
levels of oratorical skill. Also Plutarch, in his comparison between the two politicians,
16
Tac. Dial. 37.2-3.
17
Cic. Fin. 2.57; Tusc. 1.12; Plut. Pomp. 22.1, 23.3; Crass. 7.3, 7.4.
18
Mucianus himself was a very accomplished orator: Tac. Hist. 2.5.1, 2.76-8 with R. Ash,
Tacitus Histories Book II (Cambridge, 2007), 283-4.
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