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have some kind of established theory (theories) on researching history, which we later follow
in specific conduct of research, or the thing that we characterize with the term called the
theory of history only represents some kind of aggregation covering different research
practices (at some »higher« level this would have been referred to as historical schools), for
which someone strives to be put to a common denominator and later applies different kinds of
criteria for determining common characteristics and discrepancies. In particular, the question
of methodology is placed in the forefront: a historian may either set a research objective in
such a manner as to define exactly what he will try to prove – similarly as is done in natural
sciences and mainly also in social sciences – or this represents a mistaken assumption because
the research objective is clearly revealed to him only after objective research. We estimated
that quite an important part of Slovene - especially political – historiography has lately been
subjected more to the first method: that it therefore tries to follow some previously
determined objective through historical evidence, which inevitably entails a selection of
historical resources; highlighting one part of resources and realization or ignoring the other
part of resources. More of this is somehow available in the margins of historiography with
silent support provided by some historians or at least with no objections. Some examples of
this have lately been appearing especially in newspaper polemics, to list only a few topics
(without participants in the aforementioned polemics):
- for example, comparing TIGR with the LF
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- comparing the alleged democratic nature of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia with the non-
democracy of the communist Yugoslavia; comparing the legality (also the legitimacy) of the
rest of the pre-war bourgeoisie parties during the war with the (il)legality and (il)legitimacy of
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The national revolutionary organization (the abbreviation TIGR stands for Trieste, Istria, Gorizia and Rijeka),
which fought against Italian Fascism in the Primorska region (Venezia Giulia in the period between the two
world wars; some of its action was also carried out in Carinthia (then already in Nazi Germany). The
organization kept violently attacking Fascist institutions, and patrols, and carried out different sabotages. It also
received support and assistance from Yugoslavia. During the times of German, Italian and Hungarian aggression
against Yugoslavia in 1941 it practically no longer existed as an organization; namely, its leaders were captured,
tortured and convicted at two trials (the First Trieste Trial in September 1930 and the Second Trieste Trial in
December 1941; four of them, who were shot to death in the First Trieste Trial at Bazovica above Trieste are
considered Slovene heroes and especially heroes of the Primorska region). That is why TIGR as an organization
had not become a part of the Liberation Front; however, its members joined the Front as individuals. When
Benito Mussolini visited Kobarid (Caporeto) in 1938, some members planned to carry out an attempt on his life,
which later was not executed, allegedly because the number of victims was too high. A small group of TIGR
members, who have resorted to Yugoslavia prior the war, engaged the Italian patrol on Mala Gora above Ribnica
(Anton Majnik, Danilo Zelen, Ferdo Kravanja) (Italians obtained information regarding their place of hiding and
surprised them there). During the first decade after the war, TIGR members were not considered welcome,
resistance of the Liberation Front, which was organized by the Communist Party, was especially emphasized and
until the 1970s historiography paid little attention to TIGR. In the past years trials were under way for TIGR, as
a non-communist organization, to somehow »replace« the resistance role of the Liberation Front (see previous
chapters).
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the KPS and the LF, different criteria than that which should have been the so-called
functional collaboration, etc.
In this case it is soon proved that the comparative method is strongly subjected to the
predetermined objective.
An additional problem of comparativity in historiography is that unfortunately (or fortunately)
we do not have any alternative laboratory tests of concrete historical situations, which is why
we often operate with the so-called if history: meaning that a certain executed historical event
is compared to the non-executed one, which then represents the basis for drawing a
conclusion. A typical case is, for example, the question of the Slovene (Yugoslavian) border:
if the communists had not come to power, we would have obtained Trieste and (according to
the latest interpretations the entire Venetian Slovenia, even though it had already been lost by
Austria-Hungary in 1866). So comparatively: if Draže Mihailović's Chetniks had won and
Yugoslavia had been led by King Peter and the government in exile and not by Tito, then the
people of Slovenia would today have a more favorable border than the existing one.
That explained above indicates that in order to obtain a concrete discussion in any of the
discussions carried on nowadays we should determine the framework of comparativity:
1. It either concerns methodological comparativity: meaning that we confront our method of
research and interpretation with work that was carried out by someone else – this is
particularly possible if we are dealing with a treatment of the same problem. Such works are
very rare in Slovene historiography; however, there are a few: for example, we have two
surveys on the bishop, Dr. Gregorij Rožman (Grieser-Pečar, Dolinar
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); two detailed surveys
on the development of Slovene parliamentarism (Alja Brglez with her co-workers, and now
Janko Prunk), and some other examples of this kind.
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Tamara Griesser Pečar, France Martin Dolinar: Rožmanov proces, Družina, Ljubljana 1996. This study was
ordered because the then public prosecutor and (otherwise member of the Home Guard during World War II)
and the Catholic Church in Slovenia wanted to renew the process against the wartime bishop of the Ljubljana
Diocese, Gregorij Rožman, who was convicted of collaboration in the post-war period. According to Rožman's
estimations there are quite a few differences between both authors, especially regarding Rožman's oath of the
Home Guard members to the »Leader of the Great German Reich«, while in historiography he was thoroughly
assessed from two opposite poles. Annulment of the process (but not the renewal) was achieved under the
government of Janez Janša, which later, when all other legal possibilities were exhausted, amended the
legislation in such a way that the Ljubljana Diocese was allowed to act as a party in the court procedure.
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