51
the existence then
of a strong fascist movement, the Iron Guard. The pre-First
World War situation is usually presented only as a brief background in these
studies, in order to prove the long traditions of anti-Jewish attitudes in
Romania.
94
Anti-Jewish sentiment gained ground in late nineteenth century Europe. It
was not that anti-Jewish ideas had not existed before — on the contrary — but
now the somewhat hazy concepts of anti-Jewish thinking were articulated in a
more cohesive manner. The term ‘anti-Semitism’ in a political sense was first
introduced by a German, Wilhelm Marr, in 1879.
95
The anti-Semitic movement
and dialogue was especially strong in Germany, but
other Western and Central
European countries also had their share of anti-Semitic activity. In France, for
example, anti-Semitism was connected to the ideological battle between the
clerical and the republican political circles. In Great Britain, however, there was
no anti-Semitic movement that could be compared to those on the continent,
and, although prejudice against Jews existed, anti-Semitism never gained
intellectual respectability.
96
In Western Europe, Jews had achieved civil and political rights.
Nevertheless, their emancipation still had many opponents. Anti-Semites were
not a uniform group. Their goals and their main arguments varied. Some of
them wanted to turn the clock back to the
pre-emancipation situation, while
others wished to restrict Jewish activities in some sectors of economic and
public life. Yet others favoured more extreme measures, aiming at the
elimination of the Jews by any means.
97
Anti-Semitism appealed to many social
classes. The middle classes, especially small entrepreneurs, such as the artisans
and shopkeepers of the lower middle class, resented Jewish competition. The
aristocracy and some church circles were suspicious of the modern democratic,
urban,
commercial, and secular society, and also feared the loss of their
privileged position. They soon discovered that anti-Semitism offered a handy
political tool in the battle against the liberals.
98
Despite the anti-Semitic currents in Western Europe, the states themselves
were not anti-Semitic. This was the key difference in comparison to certain East
European countries, above all Romania and Russia. Jewish rights in Russia
were tightly restricted, and, in the second half
of the nineteenth century, anti-
Semitism and Russian nationalism were formidable forces in Russian society
and relations between Jews and gentiles were worsening.
99
94
See, for example, Livezeanu 1995, Nagy-Talavera 1970 and Volovici 1991.
95
Katz 1982, 4, 260-261; Lindemann 1997, 126-131. See also Kuparinen 1999, 149-150.
96
Lewis 1986, 96-97.
97
Katz 1982, 3, 246.
98
Parkes 1963, 22-23.
99
A short description of Russian anti-Semitism and the Jewish situation in the country
in the late nineteenth and the early twentieth century can be found, for example,
from Lindemann 1997, 279-306. Lindemann groups Romania and Russia together as
‘failures’ in the sense that, in those two countries, the Jewish situation was worse and
anti-Semitism stronger and more visible than in the countries of ‘ambiguous failures’
(Germany and Austria) and ‘ambiguous successes’ (Britain and the United States).
52
In Romania, anti-Semitism was,
in the Russian manner, preached by the
leading intellectuals and politicians, and it occupied a central place in
Romanian thought. In William O. Oldson’s words, there was an ‘intellectual
landscape permeated by anti-Jewish feeling’.
100
However, there were a number
of different aspects of anti-Semitism in Romania, and the ideology and
government policies could not be attributed to any single factor — nor could
they be described as purely ‘Romanian’. These elements can be divided into
four main categories: religious aspects, economic factors,
political aspects, and
nationalism / racism.
101
The introduction presented below largely discusses the
particular Romanian characteristics of anti-Semitism and the situation that
prevailed in Romania, but the international framework has been included
where appropriate.
The Christian religion had traditionally taken a negative view of the Jews.
Jews were despised for theological reasons: because of their rejection of the
Christian message and because of their — true or alleged — role in the death of
Christ. Socio-economic factors, deriving from the Jewish occupational role in
the medieval world, had sometimes been added to religious anti-Jewish beliefs.
In
the late nineteenth century, the influence of the church on every day life had
somewhat weakened, at least in Western Europe, but Christian arguments
against the Jews were still alive. They were also being used by the anti-Semites
of the time. For example, ideas of Jewish moral inferiority and claims that Jews
were attempting to rule the world were originally based on Christianity.
102
Religious discrimination was official in Romania, as can be seen from the
distinction between Christians and others that was often made in legislation.
There were a small number of administrative
measures against Judaism, such
as prevention of the rebuilding of synagogues, local taxes on kosher meat, and,
in a more general context, the continuing use of the special ritual oath,
More
Judaico. The Constitution of 1866, in stipulating that only Christians could
become Romanian citizens, was a basis for religious discrimination.
103
The
Romanians frequently pointed out that Jews were free to profess their religion
100
Oldson 1991, 10, 100-101.
101
The categories are based on Brustein 2003; see especially 45-46. See also Iancu 1978
for a similar classification.
Brustein has evaluated Romanian, German, British, Italian,
and French anti-
Semitism in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century. He has compared
the occurrences of anti-Semitic ‘acts’ (from verbal accusations to murderous riots),
based on the summaries of main events concerning Jews in the volumes of the
American Jewish Year Book. In addition, he has examined the daily newspapers with
the largest national circulation in each country by random sampling that includes
editions for the 15
th
of each month from 1899 to 1939, in order to investigate the level of
coverage of Jewish issues. Unfortunately, the findings appear to be somewhat
misleading, probably as a result of the random sampling method. Brustein did not, for
example, find high levels of reportage of Jewish affairs in 1900 (Jewish immigration) or
1907 (the peasant revolt), when Jewish issues definitely attracted attention in Romanian
newspapers. See Brustein 2003, 8-9, 14-19, 23.
102
Brustein 2003, 67; Katz 1982, 319-320; Lewis 1986, 81-82.
103
Iancu 1978, 120-121.