68
noise, and disturbing peace.
38
In
spite of this, the Romanian Conservative
government, led by Gheorghe Grigore Cantacuzino, took an encouraging
outlook on emigration at first, perhaps seeing it as a convenient way to get rid
of Jews.
Not everyone began their journey on foot as
fusgeyers — many emigrants
boarded a train to Austria-Hungary. Yet others boarded a ship at the Romanian
Black Sea ports in order to sail to Near East destinations such as Cyprus,
Palestine, and Anatolia. Hungary did not allow Romanian Jews to enter its half
of the Dual Monarchy at all if they did
not have sufficient finances, or at least it
did not permit them to leave their trains while in Hungary. The Vienna Allianz,
the main Viennese Jewish organisation, sent some emigrants back from Vienna,
after which they ended up in Budapest. They were not allowed to remain in
Budapest, however, and were sent back to the Romanian border. At the border,
it turned out that the Romanian authorities did not permit re-entry, because the
passports issued to the emigrants did not allow for a return. Some Jews did not
dare to attempt to go back to Romania at all, preferring
to camp at the border
area.
39
As for other problems in emigration during the year 1900, there were
some disturbing incidents such as defective ships carrying too many passengers
and unusual, ultimately unsuccessful choices of destination, such as Cyprus.
40
In 1900, failed colonisation schemes of Romanian Jews attracted some
attention in Britain, both among the Anglo-Jewry and among the government
officials. Some Romanian Jews had emigrated to Turkey and Cyprus, but both
projects soon proved to be total failures. The Cyprus episode is interesting as it
indirectly involved Britain, the
colonial landlord of Cyprus, and there was some
debate on the matter between the British representatives in Romania and the
Cyprus colonial administration. Davis Trietsch, ‘one of German Zionism’s most
inveterate utopians’
41
, was planning a Jewish settlement in Cyprus. He was
keen to include some Romanian Jews in his settlement scheme.
42
As early as 1899, Trietsch went to Romania to distribute emigration
propaganda, after which some enthusiastic Romanian Jews began to make
somewhat unrealistic emigration plans. There was even a piece of news about a
group of young Jews from Galaţi who wanted to join the British forces as
volunteers in the Boer War in South Africa. Their object was to settle in Cyprus
after the war — if they were still alive.
43
38
FRUS 1903, 704, American Minister in Athens (also accredited to Romania) John B.
Jackson
to Secretary of State John Hay, 7 Sept. 1903.
39
JC, 3 Aug 1900. See also
The New York Times, 16 July 1900.
The New York Times pointed
out that a number of emigrants were actually professional men, such as lawyers and
doctors, who spoke many foreign languages.
40
FO 104/146/6.
Trotter to Salisbury, 30 May 1900. The same dispatch is also in FO
770/56.
41
Penslar 1991, 51.Trietsch believed Cyprus was suitable for Jewish colonisation
because of its proximity to Palestine.
42
JC, 20 Oct. 1899, Davis Trietsch to the Editor. For the Cyprus project, see also Bar-Avi
1961, 40-46.
43
JC, 10 Nov. 1899.
69
Eventually, Trietsch could not handle the situation. After hearing about
far-fetched
plans like the Boer War scheme, he had to begin to hold back
prospective emigrants. He also tried to persuade them to make all the necessary
arrangements prior to leaving Romania.
44
When problems appeared at the Cyprus end in spring 1900, Trietsch
contacted the British representative at Bucharest, John Gordon Kennedy, asking
for help.
45
It had transpired that the Cyprus authorities would not allow the
immigrants to land unless they had some guarantees for their maintenance and,
in the case of the possible failure of the settlement, guarantees of their removal
from Cyprus. Consequently, the shipping company
that the migrants had made
a deal with refused to carry them from the Romanian port of Sulina. The main
question seemed to be whether the group of Romanian Jews was going to be a
burden on the Cyprus population — although the required guarantees
appeared to be available from Jewish activists and some well-to-do Romanian
Jews. There was also an implicit fear of the arrival of more Jewish immigrants
from Romania to Cyprus, especially as Trietsch himself was so dedicated to the
settlement idea, envisioning several Jewish agricultural colonies being
established on the island.
46
The Cyprus authorities opposed Trietsch’s project, and argued that
Trietsch had not made sufficient provisions for the maintenance of immigrants,
although he had been ‘instrumental’ in bringing or
attempting to bring them to
Cyprus.
47
Strict guarantees on financial support, adequate housing, medical
care, and payment of possible expenses of removal were required from the
sponsors of the settlement.
48
Trietsch claimed that he had brought only two
small groups to the island in early 1900, twelve individuals at first and then ‘28
families’. None of them were rejected at the port on arrival, but some
admittedly did not have sufficient means. Those unfortunate individuals then
became a burden on the Jewish agricultural colony and some fell ill or, in a few
cases, died.
In addition, Trietsch refused to take responsibility for the actions of
a group of 250 Romanian Jews who had sailed from Galaţi to Cyprus in May
1900 despite his warnings.
49
Several hundred, or at highest one thousand, Romanian Jews moved to
Anatolia. A group of 160 Jews from Tulcea sailed to Constantinople, where the
Ottoman authorities granted them aid and forwarded them to the Anatolian
inland, where they were then given land for agricultural settlement. The first
group to arrive in Turkey was ‘destitute’ and so were the subsequent migrants.
44
JC, 17 Nov. 1899.
45
FO 770/55/3, Kennedy to Trotter, 30 May 1900.
46
FO 104/146/7, Trotter to Salisbury, 1 June 1900, enclosure: letter from Trietsch to
Kennedy, 28 May 1900. This matter can also be found in FO 770/56/10, Trotter to
Kennedy, 2 June 1900.
47
CO 67/123/18763, High Commissioner for Cyprus Sir William F. Haynes Smith to
Colonial Secretary Joseph Chamberlain, 4 June 1900; CO 67/124/24125, Haynes
Smith to Chamberlain, 16 July 1900.
48
CO 67/124/24114, Haynes Smith to Chamberlain, 16 July 1900.
49
JC, 14 Sept. 1900;
JC, 12 Oct. 1900, article by Trietsch.