66
emigration and, secondly, of provoking agitation
against Romania at the
moment of Romania’s economic vulnerability.
31
Thus, both the Romanian government and the Western Jews campaigned
internationally on behalf of their own interpretation of the situation and
quarrelled over the causes of the emigration. The British Jewry was not very
deeply involved in the debate — the continental Jewries were more active. The
same went for the newspaper articles; the propaganda war was waged mainly
on the European continent, and only a small number of articles appeared in the
British mainstream press. The
Jewish Chronicle obviously was a different matter.
It featured a large number of articles on Romanian Jewish emigration and the
situation in Romania.
There are not many primary sources on Romanian Jewish emigration that
were produced by the emigrants themselves. Otherwise,
information can be
obtained from the contemporary press, the reports of Jewish organisations, and
the official publications of the receiving countries, such as Britain and the
United States. However, there is one major group of original documents written
by Romanian Jewish emigrants themselves: the letters sent to Rabbi Moses
Gaster in England. Most of the letters came from groups or representatives of
groups that wished to emigrate, but some were sent by private individuals.
Prospective emigrants were of different social positions; most of them were
poor, but some were affluent. The prospective
emigrants did not seem panic-
stricken like the Russian Jewish emigrants did, who were threatened by
pogroms. They seemed to plan their move rather carefully.
32
The motives of the emigrants, as analysed by Eliyahu Feldman, can be
divided between economic and political factors. The majority of writers
emphasised the discriminatory politics in Romania, and consequently, Feldman
argues that the anti-Jewish policy of the Romanian government was the main
motive for emigration and that the economic factors were only secondary.
However, political and economic
conditions were also entwined, as anti-Jewish
legislation was connected with economic issues.
33
To conclude, Jewish mass
emigration from Romania could not be attributed to any single factor. The
causes for emigration were complicated and multi-faceted, as both Romanian
government policy as well as economic and social factors played a role.
31
Szajkowski 1951, 55.
32
Feldman 1980, 63-67. Because Feldman has analysed a number of letters of emigrants
in Gaster’s collection and reprinted some of them in his article, the original letters in
the Gaster Papers have not been consulted for this work. In addition to letters,
emigrants also wrote some poems and leaflets. Jill Culiner’s
study features extensive
quotations from Jacob Finkelstein’s autobiographical account, ‘Memoirs of a
Fusgeyer from Romania to America’, originally published in YIVO Bleter 26/1945,
translated from Yiddish by Culiner. See Culiner 2004, especially 24-25 for an
explanation of the source.
33
Feldman 1980, 66-67.
67
3.3 ‘Fusgeyers’ — the first wave of emigrants
In 1900, the Western and Central European press paid considerable attention to
the emigration of Romanian Jews. This was partly due to some sensational and
extraordinary features of the emigration. Thousands of Romanian Jews left the
country for Austria-Hungary planning to travel through Europe to major
Western European ports and from there to America. Some of them travelled on
foot, hence the Yiddish term
fusgeyers, meaning walkers.
34
The
fusgeyer movement appeared to have begun already in 1899, but it
began to draw widespread attention only in spring 1900. The first groups of
walkers
left from Moldavia, from the areas with the heaviest concentration of
Jewish population, intending to walk at least to the border between Romania
and Austria-Hungary. From the border, they planned to travel through Europe
by other means, although some groups were determined to continue across the
continent by foot. The
fusgeyer bands mostly comprised of young males who
were attached to a common local synagogue and who were artisans by
profession. Pioneering groups were relatively well organised and prepared.
Some even wore special uniforms. In general, there was
a great idealistic spirit
among the first
fusgeyers. However, as the movement caught on, all kinds of
individuals, not necessarily very fit and strong, began to join the trek. On their
way, the
fusgeyers collected money by singing, acting, and distributing leaflets.
Both Jewish communities and gentiles helped by offering food or providing a
place to stay the night.
35
There were also some groups of women among the
fusgeyers, such as a society of seamstresses from the town of Galaţi.
36
It has to be remembered that the
fusgeyers formed only a minority of the
emigrants, although the movement of the walkers
was the detail of emigration
which attracted most attention at the time. According to Joseph Kissman, the
number of emigrants involved in the
fusgeyer movement is not known, although
he offers a tentative estimate of ‘a few thousand people’, which appears
reasonable enough. Neither is it known how many groups there were. The size
of a
fusgeyer group varied a lot, but, according to several estimates, it consisted
of 40-300 persons.
37
The unusual migration pattern adopted by the
fusgeyers did not please
Romanian
political leaders, who argued that emigration acquired a markedly
political character as the Jews marched across the country singing, making
34
The Yiddish word is often used in this context, sometimes with an incorrect spelling.
Sometimes the terms ‘wanderers’ or ‘wayfarers’ are used. In her book that combines
history with travel writing, Culiner tells about her journey in the steps of the
fusgeyers. She crossed Romania on foot in 2001, following the route Jacob Finkelstein
took in 1900. Culiner 2004, 23-26, 28-29.
35
Culiner 2004, 20-23; Kissman 1947, 163-166. An extensive account of the
fusgeyers can
be found in Bar-Avi 1961, 49-82.
36
JC, 27 July 1900.
37
Kissman 1947, 165.