62
origins, strengthened the relations between the two countries. Although the
Romanian attitude
towards Germany was friendly, at least some political
leaders disliked German financial control. Their main reasoning for this was
that the arrangements put Romania in a humiliating position and hurt its
national pride.
15
At the same time, the French also demonstrated their economic
influence. The ‘Hallier affair’, relating to a harbour works contract and its
subsequent compensation dispute, ended up embarrassingly for the
Romanians. French pressure compelled Romania to grant substantial
compensation to the French harbour works contractor.
16
The German bankers stipulated that no further Romanian treasury bonds
could be issued until the present loan was paid off in 1904.
17
Initially, the
bankers also refused to grant further advances
to the Romanian government,
but, eventually, King Carol personally managed to persuade the German banks
to give an advance on the long-term loan, thereby overcoming the short-term
difficulties. In Britain, the
Jewish Chronicle bitterly remarked that Romania had
managed to ‘coax’ a loan from the financiers but that it probably would not be
able to do so again due to its deplorable behaviour concerning the Jewish
question.
18
This was the typical tone that the
Jewish Chronicle adopted. The
newspaper returned to the Romanian loan theme many times during the
following years, always linking it to the Jewish question.
Many contemporaries — both Jews and Romanians — liked to draw
attention to the fact that many Berlin bankers involved in the Romanian
financial crisis were Jewish. The main banking houses dealing with the case
were Disconto Bank Gesellschaft, Bleichröder, and Rothschild, of which the
latter two were markedly Jewish.
19
The Romanian government scorned the
influence exerted by the Berlin group, but at the
same time the Romanians were
eager to please the bankers. There was a close relationship between the Berlin
bankers and some leading Romanian statesmen, for example Petre P. Carp of
the Conservative Party. All this suggests that the Jewish origins of the Berlin
bankers did not play a large role in their financial dealings with the Romanians,
unlike some Jewish leaders in Britain wished to believe.
Although Romanian economic difficulties were undoubtedly a short-term
factor behind Jewish mass emigration from Romania, there was still a great deal
of disagreement among contemporaries on what the main reasons were for the
emigration. Indeed, disputes over the factors generating the emigration wave
have continued in historical research. The
main question was whether
emigration could be attributed, on the one hand, to persecution of Jews or, on
the other hand, to the financial crisis. The pro-Jewish interpretation — also
15
FO 104/140/6,
Kennedy to Salisbury, 20 March 1899; FO 104/143/3, Kennedy to
Salisbury, 17 Jan. 1900.
16
Seton-Watson 1934, 382.
17
FO 104/147/49, Chargé D’affaires Henry Trotter to Foreign Secretary Lord
Lansdowne, 6 July 1901;
Roumanian Bulletin, supplement to
JC, 11 July 1902.
18
JC leader, 9 Feb. 1900. This was the first time that the
Jewish Chronicle discussed the
Romanian financial situation and Jewish emigration from Romania in detail.
19
FO 104/143/66, Kennedy to Salisbury, 26 Aug. 1900.
63
actively promoted by the British Jewry — usually found two main factors to be
underlying the emigration: firstly, Romanian government policy towards Jews
and, secondly, the virulent anti-Semitism in Romanian society. The existence of
economic reasons was nonetheless acknowledged. The anti-Jewish
interpretation took the economic crisis into account as well, but mainly blamed
international Jewish organisations for provoking Romanian Jews to emigrate.
This viewpoint further maintained that the Jewish population was increasing so
fast that Jews could no longer find any employment.
Furthermore, general reasons for Jewish emigration from Eastern Europe
also held true in Romania. The Jewish population was growing rapidly, just as
the anti-Jewish observers liked to argue. Prospects for
traditional Jewish trades
and occupations deteriorated in the changing economic conditions, and Jews
faced increasing competition from gentiles in trades. Restrictions on Jewish
residence usually permitted them to live only in specific geographical areas (in
Russia) or in towns, which further intensified competition and concentrated too
many people who were engaged in the same trade within one locality.
Moreover, physical persecution and pogroms were often the immediate factor
pushing Jews to make a decision to emigrate; this applied more to Russia than
to Romania, as in Romania physical violence against Jews was not frequent, and
actual murderous pogroms of the type seen in Russian did not occur.
20
Lloyd P. Gartner has argued against the view that East European Jewish
emigration was the result of persecution and pogroms. True, there were
pogroms, but, still, the highest emigration rate was
from the province of Galicia
in the Austrian Empire, where no pogroms took place and the Jews were legally
emancipated, but the Jewish population was very poor. Ukraine, the pogrom
heartland of the Russian Empire had, in contrast, a relatively low emigration
rate.
21
Gartner emphasises the demographical and economic characteristics of the
Jewish communities as the main reason for the emigration wave. The East
European Jewish population was young, but there were no opportunities for
the
young people, since the traditional economy could not expand. The
occupational structure of Jewish communities was rigid and very much
concentrated on certain key sectors, mainly on small business and artisan
trades. Restrictions on residency, for the most part, closed the major economic
centres in Russia to the Jews. On the other hand, Gartner emphasises the pull-
factors: America was an appealing destination. Steamship transportation had
also made the overseas journey affordable by the end of the nineteenth
century.
22
Contemporaries usually tended
to overlook pull-factors; the lure of
America was mentioned only occasionally.
Gartner’s arguments — that general demographical and economic
explanations seem to have relevance to both the volume and timing of
emigration — have been supported by Charlotte Erickson. Erickson draws
20
Ettinger 1976, 860-861.
21
Gartner 1984, 1-3.
22
Gartner 1984, 4.