impossible to know what their true motivations were. The Baha'i historian of the constitutional
movement, Haj Aqa Muhammad ‘Alaqihband, says that the Azali involvement in the Constitutional
Revolution was duplicitous in that their real aim was to completely overthrow the Qajar monarchy
and place Azal himself on the throne of Iran.
19
Evidence for ‘Alaqihband's assertion comes from the
Azali book
Hasht Bihisht which prophesies that the Qajar dynasty would be overthrown and a
descendant of Azal placed upon the throne
20
and from the statement of one Azali, Sayyid Jamal ad-
Din Va‘iz, to another, Nazim al-Islam, regarding their cynical use of the religiosity of the people to
achieve their purpose: ‘our goal must be attained through such actions and such people and such
designs; any sacred cause had to be achieved through profane means.'
21
The Azali enmity towards the Baha'is stemmed from their belief that Baha'u'llah had usurped
the position of their leader Azal. There was a long history of Azalis attacking the Baha'is either
overtly or covertly. Thus, for example, the two major Azali figures of the previous generation, Shaykh
Ahmad Ruhi and Mirza Aqa Khan Kirmani, who had collaborated with Sayyid Jamal al-Din
Asadabadi (‘Afghani’) in the production of the leading reformist newspaper Akhtar from Istanbul, had
together produced an Azali anti-Baha'i polemic, the Hasht Bihisht.
22
One must also ask the question
that if the involvement of the Azalis in the reform movement was purely political and had no other
aim, why were they so inimical to the Baha'is (as described below), who were potentially their allies
in the reform of Iran? Even years later when the Azali leader Yahya Dawlatabadi was writing his
memoirs, he could not resist implicating the Baha'is in conspiracy theories that he must have known
were false.
23
In all, while it must be conceded that many of those identified as Azalis during the
Constitutional Revolution probably had no religious convictions that drove their activities, they
nevertheless retained a profound hatred for the Baha'is and acted against them whenever they could.
The Role of the Baha'is in the Emergence of Constitutionalism
During the 1890s and 1900s, as the pressure for reform was building in the country and the
constitutional movement was getting under way, it was not just from Europe that the reformists were
getting their inspiration and ideas. There was a native source for these ideas that was, at this time,
being discussed widely. As will be demonstrated shortly, the Baha'i teachings were gaining
widespread interest and most of the ideas later to be part of the agenda of the constitutionalist
reformers were already present in these teachings. Both Baha'u'llah and ‘Abdu'l-Baha were among the
first of those writing in Persian to call for social reform and democracy. Thus, at a time in the 1870s–
1890s when much of Europe was subject to authoritarian regimes and most Iranian secular reformers
like Malkam Khan were only suggesting that the shah should rule with the help of an appointed
19
‘Alaqihband, Tarikh Mashrutiyyat (manuscript in Afnan Library), pp. 43, 428-9; ‘Alaqihband
attributes this idea particularly to Hamid al-Mulk, an Azali who was killed fighting Na'ib Husayn Kashani in
about 1910.
20
[Shaykh Ahmad Ruhi and Mirza Aqa Khan Kirmani], Hasht Bihisht ([Tehran], n.d.), p. 161.
21
Nazim al-Islam Kirmani, Tarikh-i Bidari-yi Iraniyan, vol. 3 ([Tehran]: Bunyad Farhang Iran,
1346/1967), p. 243; Bayat, Iran's First Revolution, p. 128.
22
Mangol Bayat, Mysticism and Dissent: Socioreligious thought in Qajar Iran (Syracuse, NY:
Syracuse University Press, 1982), pp. 140-42, 157-61; Hasan M. Balyuzi,
Edward Granville Browne and the
Bahā'ī Faith (Oxford: George Ronald, 1970), pp. 18-28
23
See for example Yahya Dowlatabadi, Hayat-i Yahya, vol. 1 (Tehran: Ibn Sina, 1st edition, n.d.), pp.
315-8, containing accusations about the Baha'is being backed by the Russians and English that Yahya
Dawlatabadi must have known were false.
consultative council,
24
Baha'u'llah writing in the Kitab Aqdas (completed 1873) looks forward to the
‘reins of power’ in Tehran falling ‘into the hands of the people'
25
and, writing in 1891, urges elected
parliaments along the lines of Britain's,
26
while ‘Abdu'l-Baha in his seminal work of 1875, Kitab-i
Asrar-i Ghaybiyyih li Asbab a1-Madaniyyih (translated as
The Secret of Divine Civilization), is
advocating that the representatives on these councils and consultative assemblies should be elected by
the people.
27
Also in this work, ‘Abdu'l-Baha was calling for the extension throughout the country of
education, which should be according to modern curricula, including arts and sciences, a uniform
code of law, equality before the law, security of property, ridding the government bureaucracy of
corruption and a systematisation of the chaotic court procedures in Iran. Writing in 1886, ‘Abdu'l-
Baha states that the government should ensure the individual's freedom of conscience (āzādigī-yi
vujdān).
28
During the 1880s, Baha'u'llah was also writing of such issues as the importance of studying
the modern arts and sciences, the necessity of raising the social role of women, the need for universal
education (especially for girls and especially in the arts and modern sciences), the importance of
justice and the need to devote particular attention to agriculture. Many of these issues did not appear
in the writings of most of the secular reformers until later.
Unlike most of the Iranian reformers, and indeed many Middle Eastern modernisers, ‘Abdu'l-
Baha does not encourage Iranians to model themselves on Europe. He does not see the future of Iran
as being best served by a slavish adoption and mimicry of European attitudes and modes of
government. While allowing that European science and social administration have certain lessons for
the Middle East, he strongly criticises Europe in some respects. He condemns European society as
being essentially a superficial materialistic culture that is morally bankrupt. He is very emphatic that
what is needed is not an overlay of European ideas and models onto the contemporary Iranian society,
but rather a moral and spiritual regeneration of Iran which will then become a suitable substrate for
concepts of constitutionalism and social reform.
29
Perhaps even more important than priority in bringing these matters into public debate in Iran
was the fact that the Baha'is were introducing ideas in a native and culturally more sympathetic
manner than the secular reformers. As Guity Nashat has commented in relation to the earlier
generation of secular reformers, while the ideas they introduced and even the words they used were
not intelligible to most Iranians, the writings of Baha'u'llah and ‘Abdu'l-Baha were built up and
developed from existing native concepts and vocabulary, resulting in a discourse that was more
familiar, better understood and hence more easily accepted.
30
24
See for example Malkam Khan, Kitabchih-yi Ghaybi, in Majmu‘ih-yi Athar-i Mirza Malkam Khan
(Tehran: Kitabkhanih-yi Danish, 1327/1948), pp. 15-16. See also Shaul Bakhash,
Iran: Monarchy, Bureacracy
& Reform under the Qajars: 1858-1896 (Oxford: Middle East Centre, 1978), pp. 7-11, 96-98.
25
Baha’u’llah, Kitab-i-Aqdas, (Haifa: Baha'i World Centre, 1992), v. 93, p. 54.
26
In the Lawh@-i Dunyā, see Baha'u'llah, Tablets of Bahā'u'llāh revealed after the Kitāb-i-Aqdas
(Haifa: Baha'i World Centre, 1978), p. 93.
27
Risalih Madaniyyih (2nd ed., Bombay, 1892 with the title: Kitab-i Asrar-i Ghaybiyyih li Asbab a1-
Madaniyyah), pp. 30-31; trans. by Marzieh Gail as
Secret of Divine Civilisation (Wilmette, Ill.: Bahā'ī
Publishing Trust, 1957), p. 24.
28
[‘Abdu'l-Baha], A Traveller's Narrative written to illustrate the Episode of the Báb (ed. and trans.
Edward G. Browne, 2 vols., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1891), vol. 1, p. 193 (trans. vol. 2, p.
158); see also Juan Cole, Modernity, pp. 36-8.
29
For a more detailed discussion of these concepts in the writings of Baha'u'llah and ‘Abdu'l-Baha, see
Moojan Momen, 'The Baha'i Influence on the Reform Movements of the Islamic World in the 1860s and 1870s'
Baha'i Studies Bulletin, vol. 2, no. 2 (Sept 1983), pp. 47-65 and Juan R. I. Cole,
Modernity, esp. pp. 45-6, 81-
91, 131-2, 163-87.
30
Guity Nashat, The Origins of Modern Reform in Iran, 1870-80 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press,
1982), pp. 162-3.