Naval postgraduate school monterey, california thesis



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Anathomy of Hostage Rescue

Nissan Motors
, Carlos Chiappori Cambana is evacuated for health reasons.
Camera operator Juan Victor Sumarriva, from the local news agency who had been 
caught on the grounds of the residence during the siege, walks out with this group of 
people. By this time, the PNP had shut off all power and water to the residence. The 
hostages began to hang cardboard signs around the residence’s windows, requesting food 
and water. United Nations representative Luis Thays sends five hundred rations to the 
residence. The rations were divided into two groups of diets: one specifically for the 
Japanese hostages and another for the rest of the hostages based on a standard Peruvian 
diet. Meanwhile at the U.S. Embassy, members of a designated crisis reaction team from 
the Department of State (DOS) began to arrive and establish a crisis reaction center to 
monitor the status of the crisis, specifically the seven U.S. hostages
37
that remained 
inside. The crisis reaction element grows to over 50 personnel during the next several 
weeks. 
37
The US hostages are Narcotics Assistant John Crow, AID Officer Andrew Maxey, Economy 
Counselor John Riddle, Political Counselor Jimmie Wagner, AID FSN Pedro Carrillo, Acting AID Director 
Donald Boyd, AID Deputy Executive Officer David Bayer, and AID Officer Kris Merschod.


47 
At approximately 1930 hours, Cerpa addresses the hostages using the name of 
“Comandante Hermigidio Huerta”, in honor of his MRTA friend who had died in the 
Cromotex
textile plant incident
38
. In his speech, Cerpa explained the origins of his 
organization, its ideology, and differences from Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path), 
previous conflicts with Abigael Guzmán Reynoso
39
, and war stories from encounters 
with the PNP and armed forces in the Peruvian jungles. He mentioned that his outfit was 
designated 
Pelotón de Fuerzas Especiales
(trans. Special Forces Platoon) 
Edgar Sánchez
and that this operation was code-named “Operación Torre Condesú” with the codeword 

Rompiendo el silencio, el pueblo los quiere libres
” (trans. "
breaking the silence, the 
people want you free
”) (Chávez López, 1998, p. 51).
During the early morning hours of 20 December 1996, several hostages hang 
cardboard from the second floor bathroom window that read: “
We have no food, water, 
power, or telephone. Reconnect
” (p. 55). At approximately 1925 hours, Michel Minnig 
negotiates the release of 38 hostages. Peruvian Congressman Javier Diez Canseco walks 
out in this group with two written demands: one from the MRTA terrorists demanding 
the release of 400 of their prisoners from jails around the country, and another demand by 
the hostages requesting that the PNP not shut off the power, water, or cut the food 
supplies. By now the MRTA has an official list of demands. The following is the list of 
demands as reported by the U.S. Embassy’s Regional Security Office (RSO: 
First, a commitment to change the course of the economic policy for one 
that seeks the well-being of the vast majorities. Second, the release of all 
prisoners belonging to the MRTA and those accused of belonging to our 
organization. Third, transferring the commando group that attacked the 
Japanese Ambassador’s residence along with the comrade trade prisoners 
of the MRTA to the central jungle area. Several duly selected hostages 
would travel with the group as guarantors and be released once in MRTA 
guerrilla area. Fourth, payment of a war tax (Department of State After 
Action Report: Peru Hostage Taking Incident, dated December 30th, 
1996). 
38
1979 labor dispute in which six union protesters were killed by PNP forces, while attempting to take 
over the plant. Néstor Cerpa participated in the strike and was arrested and imprisoned for a year as a result 
of it. The dispute was one of the catalysts that led to the formation of the MRTA movement. 
39
Abimael Guzmán Reynoso, leader of the terrorist movement Sendero Luminoso, was captured in 
1992 together with some of his most important lieutenants.


48 
On 21 December 1996, President Fujimori breaks his silence and replies to the 
terrorists that he will not negotiate and for the terrorists to put down their weapons and 
release all the hostages unharmed. In reply, Cerpa mentions that there would be more 
hostages released in the upcoming days. Afterwards, the former counselor Francisco 
Tudela and the Japanese Ambassador Morihisa Aoki send a message requesting the 
Peruvian government to negotiate with the MRTA terrorists.
Rumors are “leaked” to local news agencies that British, Israeli, and U.S. Special 
Forces units were sending their elite counterterrorist forces in country to resolve the 
hostage situation. The Panamanian press reported that “there were elements of the U.S.’ 
SFOD-Delta in Panama preparing to launch a rescue mission”. Several reports around 
Lima mentioned the planned use of nerve agents by different counterterrorist forces for a 
possible rescue attempt. It is believed that this move was to prevent a response such as 
an international rescue force intervention, mainly from the U.S. or Great Britain. Later 
on that evening, approximately 8,000 people gather at the Lima cathedral to pray for a 
peaceful resolution to the hostage crisis.
On 22 December 1996, the MRTA terrorists hang signs from the residence’s 
windows painted on white sheets, requesting power, phone, and water to be restored. At 
2140 hours, six groups of hostages totaling 225 without ties to the Peruvian government 
were liberated as a “Christmas Spirit” gesture. All seven U.S. hostages were released 
with this group. There were still four spouses (Peruvians or third country nationals) of 
Americans held hostage. In a bold act of defiance, Jesuit priest Juan Julio Wicht decided 
to stay as a hostage of his own accord, and offered a mass inside the residence for 
everyone present. One hundred and six hostages were left inside the residence. One of 
the released hostages, former Labor Minister Sandro Fuentes, read a new statement given 
to him by the MRTA, requesting the release of the MRTA prisoners.
The following morning, President Fujimori and Minister of Interior Juan Briones 
Dávila held a meeting with the regional armed forces commander, General Luis 
Malásquez Durand. Representative Moisés Pantoja was in urgent need of medical 
attention. From Europe, MRTA representative Isaac Velazco issued a statement and 


49 
warned President Fujimori that in the event of a military rescue attempt all hostages 
would die.
Twelve hours before midnight on 24 December 1996, First Lady Keiko Sofia, 
daughter of President Fujimori, brought eight baked turkeys to the residence. The 
terrorists did not let the hostages eat the turkeys, fearing that weapons or other artifacts 
were hidden inside of them. That day, the government of Uruguay released two Peruvian 
MRTA terrorists from prison: Luis Alberto Miguel Samaniego and Sylvia Soria Gora.
At 1830 hours, Uruguay’s Ambassador to Peru Tabard Bocalandro Yapeyú, was released 
by the MRTA. This action goes against President Fujimori’s intentions and efforts, and 
in retaliation against the government of Uruguay Fujimori removed the Peruvian 
Ambassador to that country.
During the following days, the S.I.N. begins to infiltrate numerous electronic 
surveillance devices inside items such as thermoses, picture frames, brooms, and portable 
toilets. Audio and video surveillance monitoring begins from across the main street from 
the residence while the terrorists remain completely unaware of it.
On 25 December 1996, Archbishop Juan Luis Cipriani enters the residence for the 
first time, and remained there for close to seven hours, offering a Christmas mass with 
Father Wicht. At 1720 hours, Cipriani walks out with the First Secretary to the 
diplomatic mission of Japan, Kenyi Hirota, who was released because of severe 
dehydration. The same day, Russian President Boris Yeltsin offers to send a 
counterterrorist unit to intervene in the crisis. President Fujimori turns down all 
international assistance with respect to counterterrorist aid. There are 104 hostages still 
left inside the residence. 
On 26 December 1996 at 0147 hours, an explosion goes off at the residence, and 
all PNP forces go on full alert. It was believed that a cat triggered one of the booby traps 
placed by the MRTA members on the residence grounds. The MRTA had mined and 
booby-trapped the residence’s grounds to include the residence’s windows and doors. At 
1445 hours, the MRTA releases the Ambassador of Guatemala, José María Argueta. The 
same day, the Bolivian government vehemently rejects negotiating the release of five 
MRTA terrorists held in their country in exchange for their Ambassador Jorge Gumucio.


50 
The following day, the Peruvian government declares a state of emergency in the 
Callao and Lima districts because of the siege. Members of the International Red Cross 
indicate that the MRTA had placed mines on the residence grounds. Also on that day, a 
woman was apprehended inside the security cordon for not having proper credentials and 
carrying diagrams and blueprints of the Japanese residence. That same day, the S.I.N. 
begins to make arrangements in total secrecy to contract and transport 32 miners from the 
Cerro de Pasco area in La Oroya, to begin digging underground tunnels to reach the 
residence grounds. The miners would work in eight-hour shifts under the orders of a 
Peruvian Army Corps of Engineers officer working for the S.I.N, and be paid double 
their normal rates. The mining group grew to almost 60 by the end of January, with more 
groups being specifically flown in from the Cerro de Pasco on a special commission 
directed by President Fujimori himself. 
On 28 December 1996, government spokesperson Domingo Palermo and 
Archbishop Cipriani enter the residence and hold conversations with the terrorists. They 
remain inside for over three hours and at 1600 hours, 20 more hostages are released, 
including the ambassadors from the Dominican Republic and Malaysia. Domingo 
Palermo comments that the meeting with Néstor Cerpa was very productive. Meanwhile, 
dirt retrieved from digging the tunnels is constantly being taken out of the perimeter area 
in the trunks of police vehicles, ambulances, and service vehicles. In addition, a group of 
intelligence agents from the S.I.N. enters the residence dressed as gardeners and takes 
earth samples to analyze soil composition around the residence. The results were later 
used by the Corps of Engineers in the construction of the tunnels. There are 83 hostages 
still inside the residence at this time.
On 29 December 1996, the International Red Cross and MRTA agree to let the 
hostages write letters to their relatives. The Japanese Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto 
announced in Tokyo that measures taken by President Fujimori were working. In the 
meantime, MRTA terrorists hang three signs from residence windows that read,
The people want peace with social justice”, “Our prisoners do not receive 
humanitarian treatment”, and “The social fighters also deserve liberty 
(Chávez López, 1998, p. 87).


51 
The next day, the first 83 letters from the hostages are received by the 
International Red Cross and forwarded to their relatives and/or loved ones. All the letters 
were carefully checked and reviewed by the MRTA. However, the hostages had already 
developed a system to send secret messages by writing on the trash that was taken out 
daily out of the residence by the International Red Cross.
On 31 December 1996, several news crews were allowed inside the residence for 
an impromptu news conference with the MRTA terrorists. Néstor Cerpa Cartolini was 
interviewed along with Francisco Tudela and Morihisa Aoki; the Japanese Ambassador 
took the opportunity to apologize publicly for the situation, blaming himself for the crisis.
The S.I.N. took full advantage of this opportunity and planted several camera operators as 
reporters to gather intelligence. Critical intelligence was collected depicting structural 
information on the residence, weapons and ammunition of the terrorists, as well as their 
strength and disposition. At 1700 hours, the Ambassador of Honduras and the 
Argentinean Consul were released. Eighty-one hostages are still left inside. 
On 1 January 1997, Monsignor Cipriani enters the residence to offer a New 
Year’s mass. Michel Minnig and Monsignor Cipriani leave the residence at around 1700 
hours. At 1725 hours, seven new hostages were released: five Japanese businesspersons 
and two Peruvian government officials. Seventy-four hostages remain at the Japanese 
Ambassador’s residence until 17 January and 26 January when the last two hostages are 
released; after 26 January no other hostages are released. These two hostages were high-
ranking PNP officials who were released due to critical health conditions.
On 2 January 1997, the U.S. Ambassador to Peru, Dennis Jett, completely 
supports Fujimori’s non-negotiating stance with the MRTA terrorists. That same day the 
Japanese Emperor Akihito asked Fujimori for a peaceful resolution to the crisis. In a 
reckless act by the press, the identity of Vice Admiral (ret.) Luis Giampietri is revealed, 
as the officer in charge of the FOEs (Fuerza de Operaciones Especiales or Peruvian Navy 
Special Forces) during the early 1980s. As a result, Giampietri was interrogated and 
submitted to continuous harassment and mock executions by the MRTA terrorists during 
the next several days. Giampietri maintains his calm, and vehemently denies any 
criminal involvement during the prison riots involving MRTA during his tenure. Vice 


52 
Admiral (ret.) Luis Giampietri earns the respect of the MRTA terrorists, and they leave 
him alone for the rest of his captivity.
On 3 January 1997, the Guatemalan government announced to the Peruvian 
government that they are willing to negotiate with the MRTA, upon President Fujimori’s 
consent. S.I.N. personnel continue the tedious process of sorting out all trash that leaves 
the residence in search of messages from the hostages. 
On 4 January 1997, the MRTA terrorists hang three more signs from the rooftop 
of the residence, reiterating their demands to the Peruvian government and criticizing 
President Fujimori’s declarations. The Japanese newspaper 

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