Nobody knows that Zionism appeared as a Marxist movement, a socialist one Zionism is actually a revolution

On the 23rd of March, Beria issued a decree, which released over a million political prisoners. He had plans to reform the GULAG system. On the 16th of June 1953, he proposed that the forced labour system should be abolished since it was ineffective and lacked perspective. He also proposed that all the cases where people had been tried for counter- revolutionary activity should be reviewed. He recommended that all those people should be rehabilitated and that damages should be paid to the innocent victims. He even wanted the deportees released. It was Beria who revoked all the charges against the Jewish doctors.

Lavrenti Beria went even further. He prohibited all Communist slogans before the parade at the victory celebration on the 9th of May 1953. On the 27th of May, he proposed halting the development of Socialism in East Germany and allowing Germany to reunite on a bourgeois basis.

For the Soviet Union, however, he held some unacceptable plans. Beria wanted to sell the Baltic states to the Western powers. A KGB agent, Georg Meri (the father of Estonia's former president, Lennart Meri), was to become prime minister of the independent democracy of Estonia. It was Khrushchev who first spoke of Beria's plans to give away the Baltic countries. On the 12th of June 1953, Beria gave orders for the Russians in the Baltic republics to return to Russia and allow the local authorities to assume power. This order was immediately acted upon.

Beria was the first to begin abolishing the Stalin cult. It was strange, meanwhile, to discover Kaganovich's signature on so many proposals for change. Beria later began encouraging Khrushchev and Bulganin to seize power officially but these, together with Malenkov, decided to halt Beria's reforms, which had frightened the Party apparatus to death. They wanted to have him arrested.

Marshal Georgi Zhukov led the operation to arrest Beria at the meeting of the Politburo on the 27th of June 1953. The trial of Beria and his six closest men was held between the 18th and the 23rd of December 1953. They were all sentenced to death and executed on the day the sentence was pronounced - the 23rd of December.

Kaganovich helped liquidate Beria. He had hoped to gain the real power himself and was very disappointed when Nikita Khrushchev was elected the new leader of the Communist Party in September 1953. Nikita had earlier been his pupil and subordinate. He had been a simple miner with hardly any education when he met Kaganovich. But he was married to the Jewess Nina Gorskaya. Khrushchev had Stalin's son Vasili arrested on the 28th April 1953, since he had openly accused the Politburo of his

father's murder. Vasili was sentenced to eight years' hard labour. His false accusation of Marshal Alexander Novikov was used as a pretext for the sentence. He was soon released, however, and pensioned off. Vasili was found dead in his bed half a year later.

In 1953, there were 12 million prisoners in the camps and 8 million sol-

diers in the army (who had an even harder life) as well as 30 million pea- sants working for virtually nothing in the kolkhozes and 40 million wor-

king under the same conditions in the industry, according to Vladimir Soloukhin.

Kaganovich decided to wait for a suitable opportunity to depose Khruschev and seize power for himself. In 1957 he tried to bring about a coup together with Malenkov, Molotov and some other conspirators, but it

was Khrushchev who succeeded in crushing Kaganovich and his group. Khrushchev exposed Kaganovich completely at a Party meeting in June

1957. He told the Party leadership that Kaganovich had ordered an in- credible number of leading Party functionaries and civil servants destroyed on false grounds. Khrushchev also presented evidence - Kaganovich's written orders to courts, his proposals to the NKVD, and telegrams to Stalin containing libellous statements. Finally, Khrushchev 317

accused Kaganovich of the intentional murder of at least 20 million Soviet citizens.

Kaganovich telephoned Khrushchev to beg for mercy. He did not want to be executed. Khrushchev answered: "But what did you want done to me?" As punishment, the Party leader sent the 64-year-old Kaganovich to the Urals, where he became the director of an asbestos factory in the town of Asbest. Molotov was sent as ambassador to Mongolia. Eight towns, which had been given Kaganovich's name, including Kaganovichibad and Kaganovichesk, were given back their old names. The metro in Moscow was instead named after Lenin. The top functionaries had reached an agreement to stop killing each other.

There was one crime, however, which Khrushchev hushed up entirely, since he himself had been involved in it. In 1946 some problems arose with the Ukrainians, who stubbornly continued their passive resistance. Khrushchev, who had been the Party's first secretary in the Ukraine, had great difficulty, despite receiving instructions from Stalin, in breaking the Ukrainians' resistance with an artificial famine. He failed in this mission. This was why Stalin had him temporarily deposed, and sent in Kaganovich as the Party's first man in the Ukraine.

Kaganovich was (as always) so efficient that two million people died in the new famine. The Ukrainians' resistance broke. Stalin was pleased. That awful crime was silenced in the West and when it eventually came out, the Western press did not want to admit that it had been the work of Kaganovich. They blamed it all on Khrushchev, who was a Gentile.

After committing this terrible crime against humanity, Kaganovich went back to Moscow and handed the power in Kiev back to Khrushchev. That was the reason why Khrushchev did not wish this to be mentioned along with Kaganovich's other crimes.

This was not the only crime they committed together, however. At the beginning of 1954, the highest party leadership (Khrushchev, Malenkov, Kaganovich, who was then vice prime minister) gave the order to test an atom bomb explosion on human beings on the 14th of September in the same year. The bomb, which was set off 500 metres above ground, explo- ded with a force of 40 kilotons. The atom bomb which annihilated Hiro- shima and immediately killed 80 000 people was nowhere near as power- ful (13 kilotons). The experiment took place in the Urals near the village of Totskoye between the towns Kuibyshev and Orenburg, 970 km east of

Moscow (Izvestiya, 14th August 1993). The Soviet authorities wanted to find out how soon they could send in troops to a radiation damaged area. 44 000 soldiers were forced to enter the area just 20 minutes after the explosion. The soldiers, without knowing it, had been sentenced to death. The authorities did not bother to think of the local population by conside- ring the wind direction. The population was never even warned. The radiation level was 10 times (50 Roentgen) higher than the level regarded by the Americans as the highest safety level for human beings. It was impossible to use gas masks, since the air temperature was 45 degrees Centigrade (113 degrees Fahrenheit). A total of just over a million people lived the area (within a 150 km radius of the epicentre).

Among the participants was Captain Yuri Sorokin who, after the fall of Communism, sued Russia's Ministry of Defence for 52 million roubles.

Marshal Zhukov followed the experiment from a bunker 25 km away. The minister of defence, Nikolai Bulganin, thought the experiment was

a success. After the Second World War, the Soviet Union's people's com- missaries received the more civilised appellation of minister. Similar callousness was shown during the Second World War when the British offercd the Communists mine detectors but a Red Army general refused, saying: "We don't need them, we have people for that purpose!" The NKVD sent out political prisoners to clear the minefields under threat of death, according to the historian Nikolai Tolstoy. In 1957, another atom bomb accidentally exploded in the area. This time 10 000 people were evacuated.

It may be mentioned here in passing that a few American Jews, the couple Julius and Ethel Rosenberg and their helpers Morton and Sobel, handed over all the information necessary for the construction of the atom bomb to the top physicists in the Soviet Union (among others the Jew Leon Landau). Stalin viewed 286 reports about the development of the atom bomb. Klaus Fuchs was among the informers. Beria became chief of the Soviet atom bomb project. The FBI was aware of this but took action only alter the information was safely in Soviet hands. Nobody was intercsted in the possibility of being able to liquidate Communism by threatening the Soviet regime with atomic weapons.

116 atomic explosions above earth and 370 below earth took place in Semipalatinsk between 1949 and 1989. The strength of the explosions was up to l50 kilotons. 800 000 people have severe radiation injuries today.

Their genetic make-up is destroyed. Every third child is malformed, has cancer or lacks an immune system. Researchers state that the next gene- ration will not be fit to live. (Dagens Nyheter, 23rd February 1992.)

Stalin had practised all the principles of Marxism-Leninism, secured the dictatorship, liquidated the free market, abolished the idea of ethics, degra- ded the intellectuals, encouraged the class struggle across national boun- daries, tried to exterminate religion, enslaved the workers (who turned to drink instead of working). But the different races did not want to mingle with each other, the believers did not wish to abandon their creeds, the j peasants hated working on collective farms (and became extremely lazy because they were forced to work for someone else's gain).

The Communists failed in everything and managed to annihilate vast numbers of people in the process - class enemies and enemies of the people who would have disturbed the build-up of the Illuminist society. The Communists were finally forced to realise that their system was totally unrealistic, just as their opponents had claimed all along. Homo Sovieticus became a worthless tool. It was impossible to continue. The Communists suffered all kinds of setbacks. There were some who began to regret their crimes, like Malenkov who became religious in his old age and was seen in many churches in and around Moscow. He had plenty to atone for.

Lazar Kaganovich was not among those few who regretted their actions. He died on the evening of the 25th of July 1991, 97 years old. His immen- sely cruel methods had led nowhere. His life is a terrible lesson for all who really wish to learn from the mistakes of others.

AMERICAN AID TO THE SOVIET UNION

On the 15th of August, 1871, the American general Albert Pike, who was a high-ranking Masonic leader, wrote a letter to the Italian Illuminati leader Giuseppe Mazzini. In that letter, he described his amazing plans, including the destruction of the Russian Empire.

The Bolsheviks' path to power was financially paved by Jacob Schiff, Paul Warburg, John Rockefeller, Franklin Vanderlip, John Pierpoint Mor- gan Jr (who gave at least a million dollars to Lenin) and William Averell Harriman from the United States of America. There were also similar forces in Europe with the same aims. There, the English Grand Master Alfred Milner and the Rothschild family supported the Bolsheviks. The Soviet Union began using the red banner of the Rothschilds as the official symbol of Socialism-Communism.

There are a few books by honest researchers, including Antony Sutton's "Will Street and the Bolshevik Revolution" and Gary Allen's "None Dare Call It Conspiracy", which expose the financial circles which helped the Bolsheviks remain in power at any cost. Without this financial support it would have been impossible for them to remain in the saddle; Russia would quickly have thrown them off.

Doctor of economics Antony C. Sutton spent several years collecting documents to prove this. The material he found is published in a series of books, including the giant, three volume work "Western Technology and Soviet Economic Development", published by the Hoover Institute. He has also published two other important books on the subject: "The National Suicide" and "The Best Enemy Money Can Buy".

The American trade embargo was just a gigantic bluff. The totalitarian and completely ineffective Soviet state could never have survived without aid from outside. The history of ancient China provides us with an examplc of a similar state. In the year 8 A.D., an important official, Wang Mang, usurped the power and proclaimed himself emperor one year later. He tried to gain control over the economy by the aid of radical (almost 321

socialist) reforms. Wang Mang strengthened the central government with characteristic Oriental discipline and severity. He nationalised property and prohibited the selling of slaves. The economic situation deteriorated catastrophically. In the year 17, the peasants had had enough and started a revolt to depose Wang Mang. They were successful and killed him like a mad dog.

Antony Sutton emphasised that 95 per cent of the Soviet technology came from the United States of America or their allies. His conclusion was that the Communists would not have been able to remain in power for even a single day without their aid. The Bolsheviks would undoubtedly have lost the four-year-long civil war unless the West had offered to help them. That was why the Allies staged the so-called intervention.

U. S. Congress while appropriating billions for defence against Com- munism has at the same time given over six billion dollars in direct military and economic aid to the Communists. Radar-equipped F-86 jet fighter planes worth over 300 000 dollars each have been sold to the Communist dictator of Yugoslavia for 10 000 dollars. The Eisenhower Administration approved it. ("Report, U.S. Foreign Assistance", U.S. Agency for Int. Dev., March 21, 1962.)

The "Intervention" as a Diversion

It is necessary to point out that the initiative for the "intervention" actually came from the Bolsheviks. Leon Trotsky, people's commissary for military affairs, sent a note written in English requesting military aid from the Allies on the 5th of March 1918. British troops were to be sent to Arkhangelsk and American troops were to occupy Vladivostok to prevent the advance of the Japanese. (Yuri Felshtinsky, "The Failure of the World Revolution", London, 1991, pp. 283-284.)

In the same month (March 19), 2000 British soldiers landed in Mur- mansk. They were to halt the advance of Finnish troops. The local Bolshe- vik leadership received orders from Petrograd to establish an all-round co- operation with the British troops. (Staffan Skott, "Sovjetunionen fran borjan till slutet" / "The Soviet Union from Beginning to End", Stock- holm, 1992.) Trotsky approved the joint military soviet composed of Bri- tish, Soviet and French representatives. (M. Jaaskelainen, "Ita-Karjalan

kysymys: kansallinen laajennusohjelman synty ja sen toteuttamisyritykset Suomen ulkopolitiikassa vuosina 1918-20" / "The Question of Eastern Karelia: The Beginnings of the National Extension Program and Attempts of Finnish Foreign Policy to Realise it in the Years 1918-20", Helsinki, 1961.)

There were officially 10 052 foreign soldiers in Murmansk on the 1st of July 1918, including 6850 Englishmen and also Serbs and Frenchmen. Such official figures are usually debatable. The British Major-General Sir Charlcs Maynard's figure, published in his memoirs "The Murmansk

Venture", was quite different. He claimed that the Allied troops never exceeded 1500 men. Trotsky had previously demanded aid from the French in founding his Red Army, but Paris had no wish to comply. The American Colonel Raymond Robbins had no scruples about helping the Bolsheviks, however. 4500 American soldiers arrived in Arkhangelsk on the 4th of September 1918, according to Louis Fischer. ("The Life of

Lenin", London, 1970, p. 430.) The American President Woodrow Wilson had sent two million men to the Western front in the spring of 1917.

Maynard himself left England on the 18th of July 1918 with only 150

Royal Marines. The Bolsheviks needed no protection from the Germans, since it was actually the Germans who were protecting the Bolsheviks

from the Whites. The British regarded only the White Finns as enemies. The Red Finnish troops, who were pro-Communist, were led by the

British, according to General Maynard. When he wanted to hand £150 000 over to the White Russian troops (and a total of 5000 men), London

refused to give its approval.

He went to London to explain the desperate situation of the Whites.

Only then was he given permission to give the money to the Whites, who fought against the Bolsheviks and wanted to re-establish the Tsarist

Empire.

The Finnish Whites were eager to occupy Murmansk as soon as possible, but the Finnish President, Pehr Evind Svinhufvud, after receiving warnings from London, did not dare issue orders to this effect. When it became clear that the White Russian troops in the north were making too great advances, David Lloyd George (freemason) demanded that Churchill should call off the British venture in Murmansk. Demands that the British should cease their aid to the Whites in Russia were also published more frequently in the press. In August 1919, Lord Henry Rawlinson (free-

mason) was sent from London to Murmansk. He gave instructions to take the British troops home again.

In the beginning, the West claimed rather hypocritically that the Bolshe- viks were dangerous. In spite of these warnings, the British sent only a few soldiers to ostensibly fight against the Reds. In actual fact, the Allies avoided disturbing the Bolsheviks. An example of this was when the British promised Boris Savinkov, one of the Social Revolutionary leaders and a freemason, to send two divisions against the Bolsheviks in Arkhangelsk. Only 600 troops were actually sent, and these were not involved in any fighting. Savinkov accused the British of secretly aiding the Bolsheviks.

President Woodrow Wilson was one of the first heads of state to recognise Soviet Russia. On the 6th of July 1918, the Americans decided to send a further 7 000 soldiers to Vladivostok. The purpose of this was to lessen the Japanese preparedness for action. The Americans soon became worried and were forced to take measures against the Japanese army.

On the 26th of August 1918, the American consul in Vladivostok, John Caldwell, sent a telegram to Robert Lansing, the secretary of state in Washington: "Nearly 18 000 Japanese soldiers have landed in Vladivostok. Another 6000 are en route to the front in Manchuria. The Japanese are pushing forward everywhere they can... the situation is critical." ("Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, 1918, Russian", Vol. II, pp. 328-29.)

The Americans regarded the situation as dangerous primarily because the Japanese overthrew the Soviet regime everywhere they came. There were already 70 000 Japanese soldiers in the Far East in the beginning of November 1918, according to official sources. Robert Lansing, by the way, did not conceal his opinion that the Bolshevik Jews were spiritually underdeveloped, i.e.: primitive beings.

Despite the strict Soviet censorship, one important and revealing phrase could still be read in certain collections: "The American government was obviously against the Japanese advance." ("Documents of Foreign Politics of the Soviet Union", Vol. I, Moscow, 1957, p. 225.) This sentence was later censored, since the falsifiers of history regarded it as much too dangerous and revealing.

The civil war was too exhausting for Lenin. That was why the West increased its contributions to bring an end to it. The Allies began to

withdraw and their equipment was left to the Bolsheviks. As early as in March 1918, five American officers had begun to train Red Army units. The Americans also sent some war equipment to the Bolsheviks, according to Antony Sutton ("The National Suicide", Melbourne, 1973, p. 76). Sutton refers to another important document, which proves that Trotsky asked the American ambassador, David R. Francis, for official aid to train the Red Army in 1919.

The United States, being a mighty military power, made certain that the Japanese did not threaten the establishment of the Soviet regime. The

United States occupied the Far East until the Red Army could stand on its own feet and control the Soviet territory. President Woodrow Wilson had given corresponding secret instructions to the commander of the American troops in the Far East, William S. Graves. Antony Sutton referred to those documents. The Americans controlled the Trans-Siberian Railway, so it was easy for them to drive Kolchak's White forces out of Vladivostok.

They could eventually ceremoniously hand the entire area over to the Bolsheviks. An announcement about this event was published in The New York Times on the 15th of February 1920. The Associated Press related in a telegram that street meetings and celebration parades were held in Vladivostok after admiral Alexander Kolchak's troops had been forced to leave. Red flags fly on many houses. In ceremonious speeches the Americans were called real friends who had at a critical time saved the situation. The Americans, on their part, stressed that they did not wish to invade the Far East by controlling certain Soviet areas, but that the operation should be regarded as the Allies' contribution to peaceful settlement of the local situation.

General Alexei von Lampe revealed in the Russian exile periodical Russky Kolokol No 6 and No 7, 1929, published in Berlin, that the purpose

of the Allied presence in Russia was to ward off the German threat against the Allies. There were several thousand foreign soldiers stationed near Murmansk and Arkhangelsk in Northern Russia. When the Russian front became superfluous, they simply left the scene of operations. Before this happened, the Allies suggested that the White Russian troops, too, should

call off their military activities. When the Whites refused to do so, the English dumped their equipment and ammunition in the sea.

Alexei von Lampe described the events outside Petrograd when the British navy deserted General Nikolai Yudenich's White forces in 1919.

They were no longer given any support. Of course, there were Englishmen who did not wish to side with the Bolsheviks. One of these was Crombie, the British military attache in Petrograd. He was removed in an original manner. The Red Guards simply forced their way into the British Embassy on the 31st of August 1918 and murdered Crombie. No one there offered any resistance.

Winston Churchill wrote a letter to the British Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, on the 21st of February 1919. He had no objections to the general standpoint that the Russians had to take care of themselves. David Lloyd George officially explained the motive for not helping the White Russians in the following way: "To send our soldiers to shoot Bolsheviks would be the same as creating Bolshevism here at home." (Paul Johnson, "Modern Times", Stockholm, 1987, p. 108.) He justified his co-operation with the Bolsheviks in this way: "We have made deals with cannibals, why not with the Bolsheviks?" Lloyd George was in favour of active contributions to aid the Soviet government. A trade agreement between the Soviet Union and Great Britain was signed on the 16th of March 1921.

On the 14th of February 1919, President Wilson demanded a withdrawal of the foreign forces in Russia. The Bolsheviks were simply to be left in peace. He explained this demand in a most peculiar manner: "There is no use for our forces in Russia." The American President's position is quite clear from his message, which was read at the Fourth Extra-Ordinary Soviet Congress on March 14, 1918. He wrote, among other things that the United States' government will do all it can to help Russia become completely sovereign and independent in its own internal affairs as well as recreating its important role in Europe and in the life of our present society.