100 / redefining a movement
of interviews and interview transcripts with a surviving genera-
tion of AIDS activist, lesbians, perhaps especially in New York,
were deeply involved in ACT UP and the many allied organi-
zations and collective projects it generated in the late 1980s to
early 1990s.
39
On this basis, it seems reasonable to conclude that
to be a young queer feminist in Olympia and New York in the
late 1980s to early 1990s meant radically different things. What
was pressing in New York’s downtown scene during this period
was day-to-day survival, making it difficult, if not impossible, to
imagine the conditions under which a girl-centered movement
could have emerged in this context.
This is not to suggest, however, that Riot Grrrl was entirely
untouched by either the impact of AIDS or the activism the cri-
sis engendered. This indirect influence is apparent in the follow-
ing passage from an unpublished essay by Hanna (now housed
in Johanna Fateman’s files in the Riot Grrrl Collection at Fales
Library). Reflecting on her formation, Hanna writes:
I came of age as an activist/artist during the short lived
media hey day of ACT UP, Queer Nation, The Guerilla girls
and WAC. I watched these groups using confrontational,
theatrical tactics to disrupt “the powers that be” and liked
a lot of what I saw. At times I tried to use the same kinds
of strategies within the punk/feminist community I was
very much a part of at the time. Sometimes doing this drew
much needed action and discussion to the issues I cared
about most.
40
For Hanna, ACT UP, emblematic of a particular moment of
media savvy queer and feminist activism in the late 1980s to
early 1990s, exemplified how the creative deployment of the
media might be used to achieve both aesthetic and political
objectives. In Girls to the Front, Marcus also emphasizes the
indirect influence organizations like ACT UP had on Riot Grrrl.
As she explains, it is no coincidence that Angela Seguel—best
known for posing naked with “every girl is a Riot Grrrl” writ-
ten on her torso in the British magazine i-D—had spent time
redefining a movement / 101
engaging in ACT UP activism. As Marcus emphasizes, “Angela
knew, from her time in ACT UP, that a carefully orchestrated
image could say a lot,”
41
and the infamous photograph she staged
for i-D exhibited just such awareness.
Thus, while there is no doubt that some Riot Grrrls were
involved in or at least impacted by the political struggles reshap-
ing queer and feminist communities in the late 1980s to early
1990s, it seems likely that Olympia’s location away from the dire
battles facing gay men and lesbians in New York, San Francisco,
and other large urban centers at the time was at least a factor in
Riot Grrrl’s development. Given the geographic specificity of Riot
Grrrl’s emergence, however, on what basis might we justify the
movement of the Riot Grrrl papers to the Fales Library and Spe-
cial Collections in New York two decades later? If Riot Grrrl could
not have emerged in New York when it did (at least not in the same
form), what makes Fales Library such an appropriate home now?
This question is particularly significant given that the Downtown
Collection, with which the Riot Grrrl Collection holds most in
common, was founded at the height of the AIDS crisis in 1993,
in part owing to Fales Library and Special Collection’s Director
Marvin Taylor, who realized the urgent need to create a home
where the papers and artifacts of recently deceased artists could
be housed and properly preserved.
42
If Taylor’s impetus to create the Downtown Collection was
the result of an urgent and even dire need, Darms has had the
privilege of developing the Riot Grrrl Collection under much
less pressing circumstances. When she considers the question of
location, Darms first points to the practical challenges one faces
when attempting to establish any special collection. “Perhaps,
in an ideal world, they would be in an institution in Olympia
or Washington, DC,” she admits, “but you need an institution
that is committed to preserving these materials in the long term
and that requires institutional backing and subject knowledge to
support the materials.”
43
Darms also emphasizes that New York
is more accessible to researchers than other possible locations,
such as Olympia, DC, or Minneapolis, and may even benefit
102 / redefining a movement
from a certain “neutrality” because it is not one of these loca-
tions, which are more synonymous with Riot Grrrl’s early devel-
opment.
44
Beyond such practical considerations, there are other
issues at stake. Locating the collection in Olympia, Minneapolis,
or DC may honor the movement’s geographic specificity at its
moment of origin, but privileging geography also risks reinforc-
ing the idea of Riot Grrrl as a subculture. After all, subcultures
have historically been defined along the basis of not only style
and cultural practices but also geography. This is evident in both
British and North American theorizing on subcultures, which
have frequently privileged and even romanticized the specific
neighborhoods that have allegedly given birth to subcultures,
from London’s East End to New York’s Harlem and the Bronx.
45
Rather than privilege geography, the Riot Grrrl Collection privi-
leges the movement’s historical lineages. Once again, in this
respect, the collection’s adjacency to Fales Library’s existing spe-
cial collections, especially the Downtown Collection, is signifi-
cant, but Darms explains the difference: because “the Downtown
Collection is obviously so specific to New York,” the connection
is “more of an intellectual and aesthetic relationship.”
46
It is important to acknowledge that the question of reloca-
tion is by no means a question unique to the Riot Grrrl Collec-
tion at Fales Library. Echoing other theorists on the archive, in
the final chapter of An Archive of Feelings, Cvetkovich concludes,
“The history of any archive is a history of space.”
47
But as she fur-
ther emphasizes, gay and lesbian archives have been especially
engaged in transforming spaces because “their existence has been
dependent on the possibility of making private spaces—such as
rooms in people’s homes—public.”
48
On this basis, she further
argues that gay and lesbian archives are an “intriguing locus of
debates about institutionalization and the tensions around assim-
ilation in gay and lesbian politics.”
49
In other words, the archive
is not simply a space that promises to preserve traces of marginal
subjects’ lives but also a locus that holds the power to integrate
and even “mainstream” such subjects. Much of the controversy
surrounding the Riot Grrrl Collection has focused on whether the
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