POST-INDUSTRIAL
SOCIETY
77
Cowgirls are in service industries. What useful light can any calcula-
tion of how many "workers" may be placed in such a loose category
shed on social structure? Nor are the categories of classification in-
herently stable. A semi-literate youth packing coke bottles in a Coca-
Cola plant is a production worker, but a week later the same youth
refilling a coke machine in an office will probably be classified as a
service worker. What does his movement from one such job to
another tell us about the nature of society?
Several facts seem to be clearly established. More workers can be
classified as being in the service industries than ever before, probably
a majority in the United States are so classifiable. Most of them are in
jobs which require low skill levels, probably becoming lower."
Because of lower productivity in the service industries, however, their
contribution to the Gross National Product and the share of the con-
sumer dollar they receive does not match their numbers. Virtually all
of the expansion of the service industries has been at the expense—in a
statistical rather than a historical sense—of agriculture; there are vir-
tually as many "industrial" workers as ever in such representative
modern nations as Britain, France, Japan and the United States." In a
political context, it can be argued that we are not becoming a white-
collar nation, much less one dominated demographically by a
technically expert middle class, but still have a "working class" ma-
jority." The issue is complicated by the fact that there exists in
America (and probably to a lesser extent elsewhere) a growing "pink
collar" proletariat of underpaid female workers, largly but by no
means exclusively in the "service" industries."
Is booming education a harbinger of rising skill levels and the in-
creasing importance of theoretical knowledge?" College enrollments
42. This is the whole thrust of Braverman,
op. cit., passim,
who holds, following a
position first staked out by Charles Babbage, inventor of the principle of the computer,
that this is necessarily so. Garshuny argues that skill levels may be decreasing, but not as
a matter of necessity,
op. cit., Pp. 114-136. Kumar, op. cit.,
tends to agree with Braver-
man, see especially Pp. 205-219.
43. Robert Heilbroner makes this point in
Business Civilization in Decline
(New
York: W.W. Norton, 1976) P. 66. See also his "Economic Problems of a 'Post-
Industrial Society,' "
Dissent
XX (1973) P. 164.
44. See Andrew Levinson,
The Working-Class Majority
(New York: Penguin
Books, 1974).
45. Louise K. Howe,
The Pink Collar Worker
(New York: Putnam, 1977).
46. Heilbroner argues that while specialized knowledge may be increasing, in-
dividuals as such may be less and less knowledgable about the world in general.
Business
78
THE POLITICAL SCIENCE REVIEWER
are leveling off, subject to sharp marginal fluctuations, and among
white males probably decreasing. The universities—indeed, schools
generally—exist as much to keep young people out of the job market
as to prepare them for it.' Unemployment and underemployment of
college graduates and professionals are increasing problems in the
United States and in many other industrial and even underdeveloped
nations.
Is the importance of theoretical knowledge increasing in society?
This is almost impossible to measure, but some suggestive indicators
exist. If this were the case it would be hard to account for increasing
worries voiced by American leaders about the inability of the United
States to compete with other nations technologically or in terms of
productivity." Alarm over the low level of government and industry
support for basic science and R and D is constantly heard, and even if
one discounts for the self-serving nature of many of these complaints,
they would seem to indicate the existence of a real problem. If we are
becoming a post-industrial society we may also be becoming the first
stagnant one.
What is true of the United States seems to be true of other can-
didates for post-industrial status as well. The phenomenon of the ap-
parent growth of the service industries is virtually universal, but so is
the possibility of objecting to giving these statistics the meaning at-
tached to them in terms of their alleged social and political implica-
tions. A careful study of the British economy shows that while a grow-
ing number of workers are employed in providing services the share of
the consumer dollar going to products rather than services has in-
creased in the past ten years." While some nations are growing in
technological and scientific strength, problems of employment for
highly skilled graduates appear to be almost universal. In all nations
Civilization in Decline, op. cit.,
P. 70. Also "Economic Problems of a Post-Industrial
Society," in Morley,
op. cit.,
P. 27. See also Burke D. Grandjean, "The Division of
Labor, Technology, and Education: Cross-National Evidence,"
Social Science Quarter-
ly 55
(1975): Pp. 297-309, which argues that advanced education bears little relationship
to either technology or the division of labor in society. See also Kumar,
op. city.,
Pp.
219-230.
47. Kumar,
op. cit.,
Pp. 255-257.
48. On the American position in the world see Basiuk,
op. cit.,
Pp. 41-59 and Victor
Ferkiss, "The Future of American Technology," in William B. Pickett, (ed.)
Technology at the Turning Point
(San Francisco: San Francisco Press, 1977) Pp. 63-75.
49. Gershuny,
op. cit., passim,
also Gershuny, "Post-Industrial Society: The Myth
of the Service Economy,"
Futures
9 (1977): Pp. 103-144 and "The Self-Service
Economy,"
New Universities Quarterly
32 (1977-78): Pp. 50-66.